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ABOLITIONISM 

EXPOSED! 



PROVING THAT 



THE PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM 



INJURIOUS TO THE SLAVES THEMSELVES, DESTRUCTIVE 

TO THIS NATION, AND CONTRARY TO THE 

EXPRESS COMMANDS OF GOD ; 

WITH STRONG EVIDENCE 

That some of the principal CHAMPIONS of Abolitionism are 
inveterate Enemies to this Country, and are taking advan- 
tage of the 'ANTI-SLAVERY WAR-WHOOP' 
to dissever, and break vp, the U?iION. 



" While the)' promise them Liberty, they themselves are the 
Slaves of corruption." — 2 Pet. ii. 19. 



BY W. W. SLEIGH, F. R. C. S. L. 

FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF ANATOMY AND SURGERY, LONDON ; HON. 

MEMB. R.W. L. S. I.; AUTHOR OF "THE SCIENCE OF 

SURGERY ;" " THE CHRISTIAN'S DEFENSIVE 

DICTIONARY AGAINST INFIDELITY ;" 

&c. &c. &c. ^. ■> 



S PHILADELPHIA : 
PUBLISHED BY D. SCHNECK, 

N.W. CORNER OF SECOND AND RACE STREETS. 
Stereotyped by J. Fagan. 

1838. 



Entered according to the act of Congress, in the year 1838, by W. W. Sleigh, in the 
ofSce of the district court of the eastern district of Pennsylvania. 



(2) 



CONTENTS. 



Page 
Preface 

CHAPTER I. 

^ Liberty and Slavery defined — Difference between Words and 

Things ^ 

CHAPTER II. 

The Principles, &c. of the Leaders of Abolitionism exhibited. . 16 

CHAPTER III. 

The impracticability of the object of Abolitionists demonstrated. 24 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Errors of the Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine, for April, 
1837, respecting the Scriptural Words, " scruani"—" pro- 
perty"" — " biiy,'" &c., briefly noticed 43 

CHAPTER V. 

The Conduct and Character of the Southern Slave-holder vindi- 
cated ^^ 

CHAPTER VI. 

Colonization Principles vindicated — Calumnies refuted — The 
good the Colonization Society has already done — is doing — 
and the incalculable good it must do, if duly patronized. . . 66 

CHAPTER VII. 

Colonization and Abolitionism contrasted 88 

APPENDIX. 

Extract of an Address of William Lloyd (Jarrison, Esq., pub- 
lished in the London Patriot, of August, 1H33 91 

Conclusion ^'^ 

3 



PREFACE. 



The conflagration of the late " Pennsylvania HaW 
having frustrated the contemplated discussion between 
some of the champions of Abolitionism and the Author, 
he feels it a duty he owes the public, and the best 
service he can render this country, to make known, 
through the medium of a Pamphlet, a few of the 
facts and arguments which he intended adducing on 
that occasion. Thus contributing his mite of in- 
formation towards allaying the general excitement on 
this subject, and, if possible, to open the eyes of those 
who, through mistaken philanthropy, have become the 
innocent tools of a few reckless men, whose object, (to 
put the most favourable construction on it) may be, 
while indifferent of consequences, to render themselves 
conspicuous. Were he not convinced that the best 
interests of this country, that the real interests of the 
coloured population, bond and free, and that common 
humanity itself, are involved in the question of Aboli- 
tionism, he would not presume to obtrude himself on 
the notice of the Public, on a topic more or less now 
connected with politics, from which he has hitherto 
carefully refrained. He comes forward therefore, 
while he declares himself an eternal and uncompro- 
mising enemy to all cruelly, injustice, tyranny, and op- 
pression, not against, but for liberty — not against, but 
for the coloured man — not against, but for humanity. 

Philadelphia, 285 Race Street. 

May 21st, 1838. 4 



ABOLITIONISM EXPOSED! 



CHAPTER I. 

LIBERTY AND SLAVERY DEFINED. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN WORDS AND 

THINGS. 

Mankind has ever been disposed to be carried 
away with names and words, with the representation of 
things, rather than with things themselves : and that 
portion of mankind thus apt to be deceived by mere 
sound, is generally the most innocent — the best — the 
most unsuspecting — the most charitable — these very 
qualities rendering them the easy victims of design and 
imprudence : the history of the world proves, not only 
this, but also that demagogues are the Jirst to fly from 
the commotions, which they themselves create; and 
thus leave their poor innocent victims to suffer the 
vengeance of an outraged and insulted community ! 
They stand their ground while the weapons used are 
merely words, and " rotten'''' eggs, &c. ; but when re- 
course is had to leaden balls, and swords of steel, they 
generally take good care to make a quick retreat, leav- 
ing their deluded followers to have the glory of mar- 
tyrdom ! 

Liberty is a glorious term — so is Christianity — but 
under the sacred garb of both one and the other, the 

1* 5 



(6) 

foulest deeds have been, and may be, perpetrated ! 
Under the name of Christianity, the holy crusades, in 
which thousands were slain, were instituted and car- 
ried on, by Englishmen 1 And under the name of Li- 
berty, men, women, and children were, in 1793, slaugh- 
tered by Frenchmen ! Be not therefore carried away 
by sounds — by mere words. 

Slaveri/ is a horrid term ! But why '( Not that bond- 
age or slavery is uncommon, or rare; for there are 
few, very few men, white or black, on the face of the 
Earth who are not slaves ! He who commits sin is 
the slave of lust — so says the Bible — Let God be true, 
and every man a liar. Who therefore is not a slave ? 
Was not Buonaparte, while he was the Emperor of 
nearly ail Europe, a slave to his god — ambition ? And 
IS not the covetous man a slave to his idol — gold ? 

" He is a freenicin whom the truth makes free, 
And all are slaves beside. There's not a chain, 
That hellish Ibes, confederate for his harm, 
Can wind around him, but he casts it off', 
^^'ith as much ease, as Samson his green withes." 

The principal reason why we abhor so much the 
term slavery is, the base cruelty with which some tyrant 
slaveholders, for there are wicked slaveholders as well 
as wicked husbands and masters, have treated their 
slaves. Hence we are very apt to use as synony- 
mous terms, slavery, cruelty, tyranny, and oppression. 
Moreover it is the interest of certain persons so 
to use these words, for the purpose of getting more 
ready access to the hearts of good-natured men and 
women. Does any one really believe that a man can- 
not treat his slaves kindly, tenderly, and affectionately f 
If any one thiidvs it possible, then let not, for the 
future, the terms slavery and cruelty be inseparably 



(7) 

united. But if he thinks it impossible, then it is evi- 
dent the testimony of some tliousands of disinterested, 
good, and rehgious men, who have visited the South, 
and who have most solemnly borne testimony to the 
kind, tender, and Christian manner in which nume- 
rous slaveholders treat their slaves, must be rejected ! 
If all this is to be rejected, then let the doubter, who 
is so charitable towards the coloured population, exer- 
cise a little of that charity, "which rejoiceth not in 
iniquity," and is " without partiality," towards his 
white fellow citizens, and ere he slanders them, or en- 
courages those who bear false witness against them, 
pay the South a visit, and judge for himself, with his 
own eyes, and his own ears. Methinks he replies, 
" but I have it from those who themselves have wit- 
nessed it !" Witnessed what ? Is it that all the slave- 
holders in the South treat their slaves with cruelty and 
harharity ? Oh no, perhaps he says, not all, but many 
of them ! Many thanks ! This is fully admitted, and 
much regretted ; but this exception proves the very 
proposition with which we started, viz. " that slavery, 
and cruelty, ought not to be used as s)/nonymous 
terms !" Again, fresh he is no doubt to the charge, 
with the thrust, " but this fact of many of the slave- 
holders treating their slaves with cruelty, shows there 
ought to be no slavery !" Avast, friend ! is the abuse 
of a system a just cause of condemnation ? Do you 
say it is: then the system of apprenticeship — of guar- 
dianship — of matrimony — Liberty — and Christianity 
themselves, ought to be condemned, for they all have 
been abused — all have had the most cruel — tyrannical 
— and Satanic acts, committed under their names! 
Therefore, according to the very argument by which 
you would have slavery condemned, you would also 



(8) 

have Ubertij, matrimony^ and Chrisiianity^ banished from* 
the earth ! — You cannot get out of the dilemma — 
there is no possible alternative — if slavery is to be con- 
demned because it has been abused^ so are Liberty and 
Christianity ! Out of thine own mouth thou art con- 
denmed ! 

A total recklessness of truth is a remarkable feature 
in the arguments adopted by the advocates of Aboli- 
tionism ; while they give no credit to the statements 
of those differing from them ! they unblushingly assert 
that all slaveholders are tyrants and cruel! Does 
truth require falsehood to make it conquer ? Ought 
not those preposterous misstatements open the eyes 
of the public to the real character, and motive, of 
those men ? — The cause of God they cannot be advo- 
cating, for his cause requires not the weapons of Sa- 
tan ! Error invariably stands in need of lies for its 
support. 

That there is great cruelty in the South, no one 
denies ; but is there no cruelty in the North ? Are 
there no cruel, tyrannical, husbands and masters in 
Philadelphia or in Boston ? Are no acts of oppression 
committed north of the Chesapeake ? These cannot 
be attributed to slavery ! There is, rely on it, a 
deeper, a more concealed, a more galling slavery and 
bondage^ to which these evils are attributable, even the 
slavery of the soul to sin and to Satan. To this one, 
and the same mental slavery^ both cruelty and tyranny 
in the South, and in the North, are alike referable. 
Therefore attributing these detestable evils, cruelty, 
and tyranny, to corporeal slavery, is not only unphilo- 
sophical and unscriptural, but fatally erroneous ; for it 
leads us to attack the effect, and not the cause. 

The Author, while listening last week to the Aboli- 



(9) 

tioii Champions in the late " Pennsylvania Hall," was 
ibrcibly struck with the strong similarity between the 
mode of argument adopted by them, and by the cham- 
pions of Infidelity in the late public discussions, between 
them and him, in New York ! They commenced their 
addresses -svith high-sounding words about liberty ! op- 
prcssio7i ! tyranny, &c. ! Having by this mode {and 
they know the value of it !) got ready access to the 
hearts of their audience, and made a favourable im- 
pression, so as to make the females whisper to each 
other, " Oh what a fine, good man, that must be," 
&c.(!) then they depicted, in the strongest colours, the 
horrors of slavery — next they issued forth a tirade of 
slander and abuse against all slaveholders ; and lastly 
they proceeded to undermine the character of every 
man opposed to them — the credibility of every witness 
bearing testimony against them — and the motives of 
all men, except themselves ! Moreover they invariably 
attacked the abuses of each system (as if a system 
were answerable for its abuse) holding up to pub- 
lic odium, what every good man from his heart must 
condemn, viz : oppression, tyranny, and cruelty ; thus 
leaving the vast majority of the audience under the 
impression that it was the thing itself, and not the 
abuse of it, on which they were animadverting ! 

Liberty — there is scarcely a word in the English 
Vocabulary so often perverted as the term liberty. — A 
vast mass of mankind conceive that the meaning of the 
word is, a perfect privilege and license for each and 
every man to do as he pleases. — If this be the real and 
true meaning of liberty, and that where this is not, 
there is slavery, then there is no liberty in the United 
States, (and God forbid, say I, there ever should be here 
such liberty,) and every man, woman, and child in the 
B 



(10) 

Union, is a slave ! I doubt not this is the kind of hb- 
erty at which some of the champions of Abohtionism, 
viz. Fanny Wright Darusmont — Owen — et hoc omne 
genus, are aiming ! But is this the hberty sanctioned 
by God ? No ! Is this the hberty guaranteed by the 
declaration of Independence 'i No ! Is this the hberty 
for wdiich the Fathers of this Country fought and bled i 
No ! No ! Such liberty would be the most awful tyranny 
and oppression — The liberty authorised by God, and 
sanctioned by the laws of this Country, is, that no man 
shall do aught to the injury, prejudice, or hurt of his 
neighbour — This is the only true liberty granted by 
God to man ; yet this is the very liberty, the advocates 
of Abolitionism turn into ridicule, and attemnt to de- 
stroy, under the plausible plea of vindicating the rights 
of man ! This was the plea of Thomas Paine — This 
was the plea of Robert Owen — this is the plea of Fan- 
ny Wright Darusmont — this is the plea of all the infi- 
dels on the face of the earth ! But, say Abolitionists, 
the Bible commands us, to " do unto others as we would 
be done by." Admitted. This very passage was 
addressed by the Infidels in their discussion with me to 
show the absurdity of the Bible : and according to the 
use made of it by Abolitionists, the argument of Infidels 
would be unansw^erable ! But will Abolitionists stand 
by this rule? They will not: for if they did, they 
would instantly abandon their crusade against their 
southern fellow citizens : and if they will not, then let 
them no longer quote that as authority, by which they 
themselves will not be governed ! [See this subject 
further illustrated in a subsequent chapter.] 

Liberty then may be defined to be, the privilege of 
doins all that is sood — and nothincr that is evil — But who 
is to decide that which is good, and that which is evil ? 



(11) 

The Creator of the universe — Man unassisted by reve- 
lation never was, and never will be, able. The Bible 
which contains the revealed will of Omnipotence is that 
volume, and that only, which constitutes the umpire of 
good and evil* — The very fact of the existence of laws 
in the land, proves man is not at liberty to do as he 
pleases : for, "law is a rule of action :" actions there- 
fore must be controlled — Society demands it — God has 
authorised it — And perfect Liberty maintains it. 

The Pirate boasts of liberty — preaches liberty to 
his comrades — and condemns all law ! Here is a speci- 
men of perfect liberty ! He may with equal propriety, 
when taken prisoner, urge the Abolition text, " do unto 
others, as you w^ould be done by." Now, if you had 
been a pirate, (he Avould say) and had the misfortune 
of having been taken prisoner, would you not wish to 
be set at liberty ? You reply, yes, certainly — then he 
says, the Bible commands you to do unto others as you 
w^ould be done by ; and, as you would wish to be set at 
liberty, were you in my situation, if you regard the au- 
tliority of God you will set me free ! The reader must per- 
ceive to what lengths this principle may be carried out 
— even to trie utter destruction of all society ! 

Again; would opening the doors of a lunatic asylum, 
and letting free the patients thereof, be an act of kind- 
ness or friendship towards them ? You reply. Cer- 
tainly not ! Yet this would be granting them imme- 
diate liberty — this would be pure abolitionism ! But, 
you rejoin, the condition of the persons — their mental 
inabilities disqualify them for liberty till they are 
cured — till they can take care of themselves — till there 
is no danger of their doing violence to others ; there- 
fore, keeping them confined till then, is in fact an act 

* See Appendix A. 



( 12) 

of kindness to-vvards them, — and the opposite course 
would be most injurious to them ! Thank you, kind 
reader, these are identically the same reasons I give 
for not advocating the immediate emancipation of the 
slaves; I give you full credit for the wisdom and pro- 
priety of your reasons : be so liberal as to grant me 
the same indulgence — to give me the same credit for 
the sincerity of my actions. It is probable the Abo- 
litionist will reply, that the condition of the slaves, 
and of the inmates of a lunatic asylum, is very differ- 
ent. I answer, without fear of contradiction, that, as 
far as mental incapability, the vast mass of the slaves 
arc as incapable of taking care of themselves as the 
great proportion of lunatics; and this we shall fully 
demonstrate in a subsequent chapter. Again; do you 
think children ought to be freed I'rom all parental con- 
trol ? You reply, certainly not; and you give the 
same reasons as you have just adduced for not setting 
lunatics free. Is not this, then, a case parallel with 
that of the slaves ? And in both, I may as justly 
accuse you of oppression, of tyranny, of a hatred to 
liberty, because you will not emancipate lunatics, and 
all children, as you accuse me, for not advocating the 
immediate abolition of slavery. 

Slavery is derived from slave ; as servant comes from 
service. In the English language the two are distinct 
from one another ; the former term being applied to 
involuntary^ the latter to voluntary, servitude. But 
this is not the case in either the Hebrew, Greek, or 
Latin tongues ; one and the same word, ih each lan- 
guage, signifies both voluntary and involuntary ser- 
vice. Thus " ohcd,^'' in Hebrew — " ^ouXo?,"" in Greek — 
and " servus," in Latin, signify what we mean by the 
terms, servant and slave. Hence in works written in 



(13) 

any of these languages, we can never tell from the 
word itself whether the person to whom the term is 
applied was a slave, or a servant : it is therefore only 
by concomitant expressions or circumstances that we 
can come to a conclusion as to the actual nature of 
his situation. This is the case both in the Old and 
New Testament. 

For instance, when we read of individuals having 
been sold, having been purchased, having been " bought 
with moneif &c., we cannot doubt for a moment the 
propriety of applying to such persons the term slave : 
and that, no matter whether their servitude was tem- 
porary, or for ever — whether they had sold themselves, 
or were sold by others ; they were slaves to all intents 
and purposes — from the moment they were sold they 
became subject to involuntary servitude. 

Again, while it by no means follows that every ser- 
vant (" ohed'^'' — " (5ouXos" — " servus,") mentioned in the 
Bible, was a slave, it does follow that every slave was 
a servant! 

Ere I make the next statement, I request it may be 
distinctly understood, 1st, that I consider the '•''Slave- 
trade,'''' and " Slave-holding,'''' two distinct things : 2d, 
that I do not consider " slave-hold'ing,'''' " cruelty,'''' " o/;- 
pression,'''' and '■''tyranny,'''' synonymous. While there- 
fore I pronounce the former, that is the slave-trade, to 
be barbarous, iniquitous, and unscriptural, I cannot 
find a single passage in the whole word of God 
which either denounces slave-holding, or commands 
the owner to liberate instantaneously his slaves. And 
I fearlessly defy all the Abolitionists on earth to pro- 
duce one such passage. If therefore the Bible is to 
be the umpire, and to its authority alone I ever con- 
sent to strike, that sacred book announces that 



( 14) 

" WHERE THEUE IS NO LAW THERE IS NO TRANSGRESSION ;^' 

(Rom. iv. 14) : and as there is no law prohibitory of 
slave-holdings it cannot be considered sin (for sin is the 
transgression of the law) by any, except those who 
aim at possessing a higher degree of moral worth and 
righteousness, than the Lord Jesus Christ himself; 
and, " who by good words and fair speeches deceive 
the hearts of the simple." 

While I thus humbly vindicate the slandered slave- 
holder, I desire equally to denounce all cruelty — all 
inhumanity — all oppression^- the same law of God 
which desires the slave to " be obedient to his master, 
with fear and trembling" (Eph. vi. 5-9) commands 
the Master, " to forbear threatening" — (for " ven- 
geance belongeth unto God") " to give that which is 
just^ and equal to his slave ; knowing that there is a 
Master in Heaven ; who will render to every man, 
without respect of persons, according to his deeds." 
(Col. iv. 1.) 

But so far from the Bible condemning slave-holdings 
1 maintain it recognizes the practice by giving laws, 
and directions, both for Master and for slave — and so 
i'ar from encouraging the slave to run away from his 
master, as the principles of Abolitionism teach, it une- 
quivocally exhorts and commands " every man to abide 
HI the same calling wherein he is called" — " if called, 
being a slave, care not for it ; but if thou mayest (i. e. 
if thou lawfully) be made (set) free, use it rather." 
(1 Cor. vii. 20, 21.) This is my guides this is my 
principle, this would be the foundation of my adfice 
to all. — But how opposite are the principles, the ad- 
vice, and the conduct of Abolitionists, to the inspired 
Apostle ! Paul says to the slave, " be obedient to your 
Master — care not for being a slave" — abide in it, un- 



( 15 ) 

less " lawfully you can be made free." The Aboli- 
tionist says to the slave : "your Master has no lawful 
control over you — run away from him the first oppor- 
tunity — take with you whatever of his property you 
can, for it is yours not his ! — and I wqll shelter you !" 
Thus it will easily be perceived, that a very different 
spirit actuated Paul, from that w hich now actuates the 
Abolitionist ! More about this hereafter. 

If it be now enquired whether I consider slave-hold- 
ing a sin and an evil, I readily reply, I do consider it 
an evil ; but I do not consider it a sin! I am aware 
Abolitionists confound the two terms together, some 
through design, and, no doubt, many through want of 
reflection or ignorance. Now although every sin is 
an evil^ yet every evil is not a sin — I hesitate not to 
pronounce slavery one of the effects of sin — hence an 
evil : for all evil is the effect of sin. Disease, famine, 
poverty, &:c., are all evils; but who will venture to 
affirm that they are therefore sins — I would use means 
to the best of my judgment to assuage those evils — 
yea to remove them ; but I would not in order to 
remove suddenly a disease, adopt a remedy which if it 
w^ould not instantly cure it, would in all human pro- 
bability destroy the individual, or produce a greater 
disease — this would be Abolition practice ! Nor would 
I desire the poor man, in order to get rich instantly, to 
go and plunder a bank — this would be Abolition- 
ism ! But I would in the former case, adopt such reme- 
dies as would, with the least possible danger to my 
patient's life, be calculated to assuage or remove the 
disease ; and if it could not be removed, without hav- 
ing recourse to a measure which would put his life in 
jeopardy, I would not, provided life could be sustained 
at all, adopt any such measures ; but use every means 



( 16) 

in my power, to mitigate his sufferings — allay all 
pain — and make his life as comfortable as possible. 
As to the latter case (the indigent person) while I 
would relieve him to the best of my ability, I would 
exhort him, not to have recourse to violent measures 
— not to commit evil ; but to put his trust in an all- 
wise and benevolent Omnipotence, and by slow and 
sure means, by active industry, to endeavour to better 
his condition — the opposite course I leave to Abolition- 
ists for adoption. 

Upon the principles inculcated in the cases I have 
just related, would I act towards the slave, and the 
slave-holder ; as more fully explained in another part 
of this treatise. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE PRINCIPLES, &C. OF THE LEADERS OF ABOLITIONISM EXHIBITED. 

As Abolitionists are constantly taunting the friends 
of Colonization v/itli the charge, that the founders of it 
were Slave-holders, (which, by the by, like almost all 
their other statements, as will be shown in a subsequent 
chapter, is destitute of truth,) they cannot complain at 
their opponents taking a peep into the principles of some 
of their Chief Champions^ and Promoters of Abolition- 
ism — And, as William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. stands 
pre-eminently distinguished as their great Apostle, we 
shall let the public know what this Gentleman's princi- 
ples are ; with his abilities, character, moral or religious 
worth, we have nothing to do — And as they have made 
him their head, and sent him as their representative to 



(17) 

England, we are fully justified, in concluding that he 
spoke his sentiments not as an individual, but as the 
deputed representative of those who sent him there ; 
viz. the Promoters of Abolition in this Country: — 
Therefore we need not further or stronger evidence of 
the nature of sentiment, opinions, and objects of these 
Gentlemen. Ex uno disce omnes. 
To begin, — 

Who was sent to Europe, a few years ago, as the 

Representative of the American Anti-Slavery Society? 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 

Who, in that Country, publicly pronounced the 

American Union to be, "the piost bloody and heaven- 

darmg arrangement ever made by man" t 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 
Who, in said Country, and in said year, called the 
said Union, " A wicked and ignominious compact" ? 
Willi a:.i Lloyd Garrison, Esq, ! 
Who, in said place, and said year, denounced the 
signers of the Declaration, to be men who, '' virtually 
dethroned the Most High God" ? 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 
Who pronounced the America?! Union to be, '"the 
most atrocious villany ever exliibited on earth" ? 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 
Who declared, " he recognized the Union with feel- 
ings of shame and indionation" ? 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 
Who predicted that the Union " would be held in 
everlasting infamy throughout the World" ? 

W^illiam Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 
Who pronounced the Union an " unholy Alliance" ? 
William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 
C 2* 



( 18) 

Who has pronounced the Union " to be null and void 
from the beginning" ? 

WiLLiAJi Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 

Who has asserted, " that the Signers of the Union 
had no lawful power to bind themselves, or their pos- 
terity for one hour — for one moment" ? 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 

Finallij, who in the same country and year an- 
nounced that the American Union " was not valid when 
it was made, and is not valid now ?" 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! * 

Again, who, on Tuesday, May 14th, 1838, in " Penn- 
sylvania Hall," Philadelphia, Pa., in the presence of 
nearly two thousand persons, announced that "he 
hated, from the bottom of his heart, prudence, caution^ 
and judiciousness i'" 

William Lloyd Garrison, Esq. ! 

What can be thought of a system which has 
such a person for its head, its chief champion — its 
Apostle / Was this gentleman in earnest when he 
used this language last week ; or was he only " in 
fun"(!) (to use the expression by which one of his 
friends attempted to excuse him) or was he out of his 
senses ? The last excuse is the only justifiable one — 
for if in earnest, the public need not be surprised at 
the Utopian scheme (abolitionism) of which he is the 
principal promoter. — If on the contrary, he was only 
" in fun,'''' it proves what an adept he is in assuming 
to weep over the evils of slavery, while he was ac- 
tually quizzing his audience ! But peradventure he 
meant only colonization caution and prudence ! Well 
did Dr. Reese say of him, in his letters to the Hon. 

* Extract of Address of William Lloyd Garrison, Esq., published 
in the London Patriot of August 1833. See Appendix B. 



(19) 

William Jay, (page 7) that "just so far as he (Mr. 
Garrison) was believed in Great Britain, the (Ameri- 
can) Society and Nation, would be viewed with abhor- 
rence!" This is the gentleman sent to this city of 
brotherly love, who during the last week insulted not 
only the public at large, but the tried, and disinterested, 
friends of the slave ! He opened his mouth with a 
tirade of abuse against that unremunerated friend and 
advocate of the oppressed African, David Paul Brown, 
Esq., whose judgment and talents would adorn the 
cabinet of any nation under heaven. — He could not 
spare even this gentleman, whose person and property 
have so frequently been threatened by the populace, for 
the part lie has so often taken in gratuitously defend- 
ing the man of colour. And all this because forsooth 
Mr. Brown, not having the fear of William Lloyd Gar- 
rison before his eyes, but being tempted and seduced 
by a love for his country, ventured to say, " if the 
question was, whether the Union, or slavery, should be 
preserved, he would say the Union." For this unpar- 
donable expression of love and attachment for his 
country, Mr. Garrison said that either Mr. Brown, or 
his speech (I did not distinctly hear which he said) 
ought to be tied to a millstone and cast into the depths 
of the sea ! He next assailed Elliott Cresson, Esq., 
who has by his talents, property and zeal, done more 
service to the African, than the whole Abolition So- 
ciety has, or ever will, do. — Lastly, he could not let 
pass the humble Author, whose nothingness, as yet, in 
the cause of the poor man of colour, ought to have 
sheltered him from notice ; but even the professed 
intention of exposing the designs of Abolitionists ap- 
pears quite sufficient to stir up the ire of this gentle- 
man ; hence he denounced me, " as a foreign adven- 



(20) 

turer !'' In this instance he has truly proved the truth 
of his declaration, " that he hates caution and pru- 
dence,*' for verily if ever I can get the opportunity of 
meeting him on a platform before the public, he may 
ever alter go to the South with perfect impunity. His 
friends say, the Southerners have offered five thousand 
dollars for liis head. If this be like the numerous 
other misstatements respecting the South, little confi- 
dence is to be placed in it; but if it be true, and that 
the above event ever takes place, I guarantee they 
will no longer offer one dollar for it, except they have 
a particular fancy for purchasing empty skulls, as I 
shall demonstrate there is little or nothing in his. 
This is the only retaliation I shall seek for his urba- 
nitij towards me ; and in this, it will be perceived, I 
will be returning only good for evil. 

Let not Abolitionists at large mistake me — I do not 
intend to accuse them, directly or indirectly, of im- 
pure motives — quite the reverse — I do really believe 
all the Abolitionists, with very few exceptions, are the 
best, and the most moral, and philanthropic men, in 
America ; and are actuated by the purest motives of 
doing good to all — relieving the oppressed, and crush- 
ing tyranny. But at the same time, I do confess I 
perceive strong symptoms of other motives actuating 
some — we know not the heart of man — God only 
knows that — therefore, we can only judge of men's 
views by their acts and deeds. I do not accuse even 
the gentleman whose name has occurred so often in 
the preceding pages — he may be one of the best, 
and sincerest men on earth, for aught I know, and I 
hope he is ; but then he must, if that be the case, bo 
labouring under monomania: and in that case, he cer- 
tainly is not the most judicious person to lead — to 



(21 ) 

advise — or to govern a political party composed of 
thousands ! One fatal step — one fatal luord, of such a 
man, may plunge thousands into ruin ! He is, or he 
is not, a fanatic — even he himself tells us, " he hates 
caution, prudence, and judiciousness.''^ Therefore, if 
we are to believe himself, and far be it from me to 
doubt his word on this occasion, he is not a cautious 
man, nor is he a prudent man, nor is he a judicious 
man ! Who, therelbre, can for the future adhere to 
the principles of such a person, if he were almost an 
angel from heaven ? 

Is he a fanatic ? I hope so, for his own sake : but 
then, he is equally disqualified from advising, planning, 
guiding, or advocating, any doctrine, let the doctrine 
be ever so good ! 

But if he be not a fanatic- — then, his principles, his 
declarations, his doctrines, are most suspicious ! un- 
less peradventure, he is a simpleton, while some crafty, 
designing persons, are behind the curtain, urging him 
forward in his imprudent, and mad, career ! 

Men are generally actuated by motives — self rules 
more or less in us all — the person who says, he has 
least of self, will generally be found to possess most 
of it. " As in water, face answereth unto face, so 
doth the heart of man to man." When pure charity, 
or philanthropy, actuates men, they are never driven 
by it to malicious acts, to falsehoods, to misrepresen- 
tation, or to hatred, for this evident reason, because 
charity and philanthropy come from God, hence can- 
not give rise to malice, hatred, or misrepresentation, 
for these proceed from Satan and from Satanic mo- 
tives, such as pride, ambition, love of money, revenge, 
&c. As well might it be expected that a pure foun- 
tain could send forth impure streams, as that charity 



(22) 

or philanthropy could produce mahce or false testi- 
mony. The more I hear men boasting of their 
philanthropy, while yet exhibiting those symptoms of a 
Satanic Spirit, the more convinced am I that their 
motives are impure, that they are not actuated by 
charity or love, but by pride, ambition, or malice. 

Know you not that Europe is looking on these 
States with a jealous eye ? America is deemed the 
cradle of republicanism — the Asylum for all wdio ven- 
ture to raise their voice against tyranny. Is there no 
gold in Russia, nor in Austria ? Were plans (religi- 
ous and philanthropic !) never devised by European 
Powers to divide the friends of liberty — to break up 
Unions — and crush that goddess (Liberty) Avho ever 
haunts the bed of Tyrants ? What characters think 
you, would most likely be employed for such purposes? 
Fools ? No certainly. Notorious bad men ? Certainly 
not. It would be men of good report — outwardly 
righteous. Would such persons make known their 
plans ? Certainly not. Would they declare that their 
object was to ruin and break up the Union ? No ! 
No ! They know better than that. On the contrary, 
they would laugh at the very idea of the possibility 
of a disturbance — they would turn tlie apprehension 
into ridicule ; and scoff at the very hint of so prepos- 
terous a dream ! They w ould exclaini. Pshaw ! This 
is the old story. The Union has been threatened one 
time by the Banks — another time by the Tariff! an- 
other time by the Indians — another time by Texas — 
another time by the " bursting of a steam-boat /" And 
forsooth now by Abolitionism ! By this kind of wit, 
of sophistry, of bombast, they would allay all sus- 
picion, delude their innocent and unsuspecting hear- 



(23) 

ers, who would mightily applaud the erudition and 
talent of the orator ! 

But who can listen to such advice as the following 
without suspicion, " go forward, no matter the conse- 
quences — if slavery cannot be instantly abolished with- 
out the disunion of this Nation, the sooner the better," 
&c ! And this proceeding, from an imprudent, incau- 
tious, and injudicious man — from one, who not six 
years ago, pronounced in a foreign land, that the Union 
was an "wwAo/y alliance^'' — "a wicked, and ignominioiis 
compact" — and, " mill and void from the beginning" ! 
Can such sentiments be propagated throughout any 
Country with impunity? If such were uttered in 
England respecting the King of that Nation, the 
speaker would soon get a halter as his reward ! And 
the Father of this Country, the immortal Washington, 
penetrating, as it were, into futurity, and well knowing 
how error commences, gave the following advice, as his 
last and dying admonition, " Frown indignantli/ (said 
he) on the first daioning of every attempt to alienate 
any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble 
the sacred ties which now link together the various 
parts." Was it, I wonder, the recollection of this ad- 
monition that called forth the abuse, (if general report 
be true,) so abundantly poured forth by the same 
champion, in " Pennsylvania Hall" on the memory of 
Washington ? But it is only justice to add that all the 
Trustees of that Building, with whom I conversed on 
the subject, one excepted, expressed their decided dis- 
approbation of the course adopted by the Gentleman 
alluded to. Now the question is, shall the advice 
of Washington, or the doctrines inculcated by the 
Champions of Abolitionism, be followed i The one 
is so diametrically opposed to the other, that both can- 



(24) 

not be regarded — If Abolitionism is to be supported, 
then the principles of Washington must be abandoned 
— Now is the time for every man to take his stand — 
Check the evil in the bud — " a little leaven, leaveneth 
the whole lump" — Now it may be stopped without blood 
— In a year or so, it may be impossible to say this — 
Again I say, let every man, woman, and child, bind 
round his neck the advice of Washington, " Frown 
indignantly at the first dawning of every attempt to 
alienate any portion of our Country," and let the whole 
Nation shout. Amen ! Then the Champions of Aboli- 
tionism will soon find their level — the true friends of the 
black will all unite together, and with open hearts, and 
open purses, use their utmost endeavours to make him 
happy. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE IMPRACTICABILITY OF THE OBJECT OF ABOLITIONISTS DEMONSTRATED 

AND THE INEVITABLE AND INCALCULABLE EVILS WHICH THAT OBJECT, IP 
ACCOMPLISHED, WOULD PRODUCE, &C. 

The professed object of the Abolition Society is to 
procure the iinmediate^ instantaneous^ and unconditional 
emancipation of all the slaves in America. — And the 
means adopted by this Society to accomplish this ob- 
ject are the publication and circulation of vast num- 
bers of papers and pamphlets, by way of enlightening 
the slave, and the slaveholder — but which consist, for 
the most part, of exhortations, and encouragement, to 
the slave, to disobedience, insubordination, and rebel- 
lion. This advice is coupled with the most galling 
denunciations and threats towards the slaveholder. 



(25 ) 

How very far, in the nature of things, tlicse means 
are from accomplishing the object, every man of 
common reflection must perceive. Besides, it is an un- 
deniable fact, which might have been anticipated by 
every man, not a hater of "caution, prudence, and 
judiciousness," that the condition of the slaves has, 
since the origin of the Anti-Slavery Society, become 
much more severe. Since that Society commenced 
its distribution of incendiary papers, and pamphlets, 
many of the slave-holders have prevented their slaves 
learning to read ; so that if the slaves were before 
l)ound with fetters of hemp, the Abolitionists havo 
converted the hemp into fetters of iron. — But who can 
blame the slave-holder for this ? We, in the Northern 
and Eastern States, in which the white population far 
exceeds that of the coloured, cannot justly estimate, 
or form a correct opinion of the merits of the case, 
unless we transport ourselves down to the South. — 
Let us go there for a few moments and then consider 
the case. — Here we are then in South Carolina, 
where the slaves are in vast numbers : unaccustomed 
to guide, or take care of themselves, without either 
"caution, prudence, or judiciousness"! We have 
got our wives, our daughters, our sons, our prop- 
erty, all at their mercy — a quantity of papers and 
pamphlets are circulated among them, in which the 
slave-holder is portrayed as a monster of hell — a pic- 
ture or plate of some act of cruelty generally heads 
the production — individual acts of cruelty and op- 
pression are selected, and so related as if similar deeds 
were daily committed by every slave-holder in the 
South ! What must the poor man of colour think 
upon reading, or seeing, this ? Why he says within 
himself, although my master is very good to me, and 
D 3 



(26) 

I have every thing I want, yet as this paper says all 
masters treat their slaves in this cruel way, the sooner 
I run oft^ the better ! And this paper tells me there is 
something called liberty Avhich gives money, and 
houses, and pleasure in abundance ; the sooner I get 
these good things the better ! Moreover this good 
paper also tells me that my master has no right to 
keep me — that my master's property is 7iot his, but it 
belongs to his slaves, for they have earned it — and 
that if I run away the white man will immediately 
receive, protect, and give me plenty of money, plenty 
of fine clothes, plenty of pleasure, jjlenty of no work ! 
I will tell all these good things to all my black breth- 
ren — if / have a right to go, so have they — if my 
master's property is mine, so is it theirs also. — The 
poor deluded slave is thus set on fire, and thus he in- 
flames the minds of all he knows. — They talk and con- 
verse, and dream of these good things — but they can- 
not easily run oflT — they become discontented — surly 
— unruly — idle — disobedient — and he who feeds, 
clothes, and takes care of them, can get little from 
them ! Who can blame the slave-holder under such 
circumstances adopting every means in his power to 
check this spirit of rebellion, to prevent the possibility 
of such doctrines being inculcated amongst his slaves, 
which every man, except a hater of " caution, pru- 
dence, and judiciousness," must be fully aware, would, 
if left unchecked, sooner or later break out into open 
rebellion, and place himself and his children at the 
mercy of ignorant men, inflamed by the hope of gain 
and the stimulus of lust ! One or the other party 
would conquer. — If the coloured population became 
the victors (to grant the wish of the Abolitionists) 
awful would be the condition of both whites and 



(27) 

blacks— the male whites would be exposed to all the 
consequences of revenge and malice, lor the victory 
could not be achieved without some resistance, and 
that very resistance on the part of the whites would 
be deemed by the blacks, a sufficient cause for retalia- 
tion ; the wives and daughters of the white popuhition 
would then be subjected to consequences of unbridled, 
and unrestrained lust, to deeds too shocking to think 
of, and too brutal to relate. — Think, oh think, on this, 
ye virtuous females, who innocently aid, and incau- 
tiously lend your voices and influence to the promotion 
of a cause, which, if successful, would inevitably pro- 
duce these consequences. — -Turn, oh turn, from such 
a course, and lend your powerful aid to emancipate 
the mind of both slave and slave-holder. 

But setting aside all these consequences to the w bite, 
and admitting, for the sake of every possible latitude 
to the Abolitionist, that -the white j)opuIation richly de- 
serve such results, what would be the condition of the 
coloured population after such a victory ? Let us sup- 
pose that after a month's hard fighting, in which the soil 
of the south would be drenched with the blood of white 
and black, that the i^A/ie population became annihilated, 
and not one left south of the Potomac. Behold the black 
placed in inmiediate, full, and unrestrained possession 
of the whole South — What think you would be the 
result ere one year could elapse ? Does it require much 
penetration, or much acumen, to foresee that it would 
be far better for them, had they, to a man, fallen in the 
contest? Ignorant — unaccustomed to liberty — unac- 
quainted with the principles of government, or the means 
of produchig order, or of providing for futurity, — his 
blood still under the stimulus of success — his actions 
now unrestrained — all the brutal passions of man at 



( 28) 

tlieir highest pitch of excitement, indulging in all the 
luxuries of tlieir late Master's house — what would be 
the inevitable consequences ? First, black would fight 
with black, till the land would now become drenched 
with black blood — parties and associations of blacks 
would be formed, according to the dispositions, desires, 
views, temperaments, and morals of each party. Igno- 
rant, dissipated, idle, and ambitious for superiority, 
party would fight with party, till scarcely a party would 
be left. During the scenes of blood, of carnage, of 
idleness, of devastation, and of debauchery, the soil 
becomes uncultivated, the seed not sown, if in spring, 
— the earth's produce not gathered, if in harvest! 
The stores of the former years become consumed^ — 
each man, thinks that each man, but himself, ought to 
work ; and each man thinks that he himself ought now 
to enjoy lihcrty. The very attempt of any, to induce 
any to work, would be a sufTicicnt provocation for mor- 
tal combat ! Wants would now begin — still appetites 
must be gratified — " Caution, prudence, and judicious- 
ness" they have either never learned, or have been 
taught by the great Champion of Abolitionism, to hate ! 
Each day diminishes the stores, and increases the de- 
mands — and each day, fresh indications of abolition- 
libcrly, manifest themselves in blood and outrao-e! At 
length, and that not many weeks after their victory, 
famine, with all her horrors, stares them in the face — 
children and infants, and mothers cry in vain for help 
— for nourishment. — Her ever constant companion, 
Pestilence^ now attends, and thousands and thousands 
die of want and disease, calling down from heaven 
(iternal curses on the heads of those who excited them 
to rebellion — the authors of all their sufferinors — the 

Af^OLITlONISTS ! 



(29) 

On the other hand, suppose that, in such a rebelhon 
throughout the South, the whites were to 'conquer — this 
could not be accomphshed without the destruction of 
vast numbers of the people of colour — nor without the 
loss of the lives of many whites. What then would be 
the condition of the surviving blacks ? Common jus- 
tice, and prudence, would oblige the white population 
to deprive the slaves of many of those privileges which 
they now enjoy, and to rivet their fetters more securely 
— whom would they have to thank for all this ? Aboli- 
tionists ! Whom have they even now to thank for the 
loss of many indulgences ? The Abolitionists ! And 
whom have thousands noio to thank for being still in sla- 
very ? Abolitionists ! 

Take a view of the subject in any possible way, let 
the black conquer, or let him be conquered, ruination 
to him is the inevitable result, totally independent of 
the awful calamities to which the white population 
would be subjected. Here is a two-horned dilemma : 
let the Abolitionist sit upon either horn so long as he 
can, consistently with his profession of charity — of 
philanthropy, of Christianity ! 

Leaving this part of our subject for the present, I 
will ask any man of common sense, and of the least 
reflection, whether the means adopted by Abolitionists 
to enlighten the slave-holder, so as to make him eman- 
cipate his slaves, are the most judicious, or the most 
likely to accomplish that end? I will venture to aver, 
without fear of contradiction, that they arc so far 
— very far, from being likely, in the very nature of 
things, to accomplish the professed object (the emanci- 
pation of the slaves,) that no surer method could pos- 
sibly be used more calculated to increase their suller- 
ings, and to rivet their chains ! And so convinced am 



3 



* 



(30) 

I of this, that I cannot conceive how any man of intel'' 
kd, who has a single eye to this object, would for a 
moment sanction such means ! Let us place ourselves 
in the situation of slave-holders, and then see the effect 
such conduct would have upon ourselves ; recollecting 
that by nature all men are alike, for, " as in water face 
answereth to face, so doth the heart of man to man" : 
so says the Bible at all events, no matter what you may 
think to the contrary! Here we are then, a pair of 
slave-holders (not slave-traders). Our parents left 
slaves to us, as " our inheritance^'' (Lev. xxv. 44, 46) 
We are surrounded by them. The subsistence of our 
wives, and of our little ones, depends on their labour 
and exertion. We treat them kindly, and they have 
abundance of food and raiment. We instruct them — 
and pay a physician to attend them when ill.* A party 
has got up in the North, whose professed object is to 
enlighten us slave-holders. Pamphlets and Papers in 
abundance are sent down to us. We read them — when 
lo ! we find ourselves portrayed as Monsters ! Our 
characters slandered. Our legal rights denied. Our 
heads branded with the epithet — " Men stealers" — 
" Tyrants" — " Devils incarnate" — " Objects peculiarly 
deserving the eternal wrath and vengeance of Heaven" 
— the world called upon to abhor and detest us, and we 
held up to public and everlasting infamy ! But this is 
not all. The very persons whom the providence of God 
gave us — whom we feed, clothe, instruct, attend in 
sickness and in health, and who thus enjoy more com- 
fort and happiness, than nine-tenths of the labouring 
class of white free persons in any part of Europe ! — 

* That this is the kind of conduct pursued by thousands of slave- 
lioldcrs, we shall, in anotlier part of this treatise, incontrovcrtibly 
j\rovc. 



(31 ) 

these very persons arc, in said pamphlets, taught and 
encouraged to look upon us as their oppressors, as the 
only barriers to their wealth and happiness — as liaving 
no lawful right to possess them — and that all our 
substance — all our property — is in fact, not ours, 
but theirs ! Moreover, that the Law of God author- 
ises them to run oft" as quick as they can, and, if prac- 
ticable, with as much of our property as they can 
convey away ! 

What think you would be our feelings — our conduct 
on perusing such productions ? Would they be calcu- 
lated to make us listen, and give a ready ear to their 
authors ? Unquestionably not — but the very reverse ! 
Such is the nature of man, that, however well dis- 
posed he may be to listen to instruction, and to take 
advice, the moment he is assailed with harsh words, 
with opprobrious epithets, with threats of vengeance, 
and particularly, with what he deems likely to affect 
his purse, he shuts his ears, hardens his heart, and 
shuns you. The proceedings of Abolitionists, may be 
compared to stopping a man's ears, and then punish- 
ing him for not hearing; or knocking out his eyes, and 
then calling upon him to read ; or lastly, like attempt- 
ing to separate a block of wood, by applying to the 
crevice, the base, instead of the apex, of the wedge ; 
against which you may strike in vain, till either you 
break the wedge, or spend your strength, without ever 
even once entering the crevice ! 

If then such would be the effect upon us, placed 
in the circumstances of the Southerner, is it right or 
judicious, or prudent, to assail him with abuse, accuse 
him of conduct to which Abolitionists have driven 
him, or continue to encourage and pursue a system 
which, so far from accomplishing the desired object, 



( 32 ) 

tends only to augment the sufferings of the slave, and 
to produce consequences the most awful and calami- 
tous to all concerned, both to whites and to blacks ! 

Again, the slave is taught, in those Abolition pro- 
ductions, to consider all slave-holders, a-uel tyrants ! 
This statement, no man, with any regard for truth, or 
possessing the least information or reflection, will ven- 
ture to affirm. How galling, therefore, must it be, for 
those conscious of rectitude, to have the crimes of 
others attributed to them ! How would the Abolition- 
ists of this City, or of Boston, like to have it pro- 
claimed to the world, that all the married men in these 
two 'cities are cruel and unnatural^ husbands, masters, 
and parents ; because there are some persons in those 
places, who richly deserve to be so designated? 
Moreover, I am convinced that there are in these, our 
cities, ten cruel and unnatural (white) parents, hus- 
bands, and masters, to one cruel and unnatural slave- 
holder in the South ! What think you of that, Mr. 
Abolitionist ? I would recommend you to " cast the 
Icam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see 
clearly to cast the mote out of thy brother's eye ;" and 
to recollect the admonition of the sacred writer, 
" Therefore, thou art inexcusable, O man, ivhosoever 
thou art that judgest : for wherein thou judgest an- 
other, thou condemnest thyself; for thou that judgest, 
doest the same things. And thinkest thou this, O man, 
that judgest them which do such things, and doest the 
same, that thou shalt escape the judgment of GodV 
(Rom. ii. 1-3.) 

Let us now contrast the advice and commands of 
Christ and of his Apostles, with the advice and doctrines 
of Abolitionists — 



(33) 



The Bible teaches — 

1. "Having food and raiment 

be thei'ewith content." 

2. " Let every man abide in tiie 

same calling wherein he was 
called."—! Cor. vii. 20. 

3. " Art thou called being a 

slave* care not for it." — 1 
Cor. vii. 21. 

4. " If thou mayest (can law- 

fully) be made free, use it 
rather." — 1 Cor. vii. 21. 

5. " Slaves, be obedient to them 

that are your masters, ac- 
cording to the Jl.esh." — 
Eph. vi. 5. 

6. " Slaves, obey in all things 

your masters." — Col. iii. 
22. 

7. " Let as many slaves, as are 

under the yoke, count their 
own masters worthy of all 
honour." — 1 Tim. vi. 1. 

8. " Let those who have believ- 

ing masters, not despise 
them."— 1 Tim. vi. 2. 

9. " Love them that hate you, 

and do good to them that 
despitefully use you." — 
Matt. V. 44. 
10. "Love your enemies." — Matt. 
V. 44. 



Abolitionism teaches — 

1. Be not content with food and 
raiment unless you get free ! 

2. Let no slave abide for one 
moment as such, if he can 
get off! 

3. If you are a slave never cease 
cai'ing for it ! 

4. Whether thou mayest or may- 
est not (lawfully or unlaw- 
fully) get free ! 

5. Slaves, be not obedient to 
your masters ; but leave them 
as quick as you can ! 

6. Obey your masters as little 
as possible, that they may be 
compelled to cast you off! 

7. Masters are worthy of no 
honour or respect, but con- 
tempt and mfamy ! 

8. There are no slave-holders 
believers : — despise them all ! 

9. Hate your masters, for they 
oppress you : and do evil to 
them, for they despitefully 
use you ! 

10. Your masters are your ene- 
mies, therefore despise them. 



These few instances will show how different is the 
spirit which guided the sacred penmen, and that which 
now actuates the Abolitionists. — If there were no other 
evidences that Abolitionism is not the cause of God, 
the foregoing ought to be sufficient to convince every 



E 



See page 12. 



(34) 

man who believes in the divine orisfin of the Sacred 
Scriptures, and who is wilhng to submit his judgment 
to the authority of HIM, " whose ways are not as our 
ways, and whose thoughts arc not as our thoughts." 

I think I have now fully proved my propositions, viz., 
" that the principles of Abolitionism are injurious to 
the slaves themselves, and are contrary to the express 
commands of God." 

We shall now accomplish to the fullest extent the 
professed wish of Abolitionists, and see what would 
be the probable result ! Suppose I possessed the power 
of granting, at the stroke of my pen,* instantaneous 
emancipation'' to all the slaves in America, and were 
this moment to issue the following proclamation : " To 
all whom it may concern, greeting ! I do hereby com- 
mand and order, that all slaves throughout the Union 
be instantly set free, and they are now free accord- 
ingly !" Let us now ascend in a balloon and take a 
view of TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF, of poor, iguoraut, 
pennyless, men, women, and children, cast abroad on 
the world, without a home — without a guide — without 
" caution, prudence, or judiciousness !" Is not this 
exactly what you want, Mr. Abolitionist ? What aw- 
ful consequences must ensue ! Not so much to the 
whites, but more particularly to the poor ignorant peo- 
ple of colour ! Can that be called friendship, or cha- 
rity, or philanthropy, which would lead to such a result? 
Those ignorant, poor, unprotected, people have now 
liberty ! Will liberty cover them — feed them — protect 
them — stop the crying of the hungry child — or the 
cravings of the famished mother ? What have they 
given for this liberty ; and what have they got by it ? 
They have given up, peace, plenty, protection, and con- 
ientedness ! And they have got liberty, with starvation, 



(35) 

anxiety, and want ! What a glorious exchange ! What 
a profitable bargain ! How thankful they ought to be, 
to their pseudo-friends, the Abolitionists ! 

But come out now, Abolitionists, like men, and an- 
swer this question, " Are the slaves in the South, now 
in a proper condition for immediate emancipation ?" 
Are they, or are they not ? Reflect upon the above 
picture, and then answer like men. — Do you reply, that 
you think they ought to have first some education — 
some provision made for them — some arrangements to 
guard against possible consequences? — If this be your 
answer, I congratulate you on the first symptoms of 
restoration to sound mental health : I now entertain 
hopes of your speedy recovery, and ere you have read 
the last page of this humble treatise, I doubt not, but 
you and I will perfectly agree, and I will give you a 
certificate of health ! 

There will nevertheless remain some stubborn Abo= 
litionists, even all who " hate prudence, caution, and 
judiciousness," who will still exclaim "the slaves 
arc now fit for instantaneous and unconditional emanci- 
pation !" A word or two with such characters before 
I close this chapter. Pray from what premises do 
you draw your conclusions ? Is it from the present 
condition of those already made free, or from the 
emancipation of slaves in other countries. I shall 
examine both of these grounds. First then as to the 
condition of those already emancipated, which condi- 
tion if it even favoured the views of Abolitionists, 
would not be a justifiable or parallel case, forasmuch 
as the free people of colour amongst us now were not 
suddenly, but gradually emancipated — and were not 
totally ignorant, for many of them knew how both to 
read and to write. Therefore with all these points 



(36) 

Strong in favour of every thing the Abolitionist could 
possibly desire, we shall fearlessly investigate the 
result. 

In the facts I am about adducing, I wish it to be 
clearly understood, tha.t I do not attribute them to any 
natural peculiarity, or natural inferiority of coloured 
persons, but distinctly to the want of education, and to 
the peculiar and trying circumstances in which these 
persons are placed. If even the free persons of colour, 
turned out good and worthy citizens to the utmost wish 
of every benevolent man, it would not, as I have just 
stated, prove any thing in favour of Abolition ; but so 
far from this being the case— so far, notwithstanding all 
the advantages of gradual emancipation, and a prepa- 
ratory course of instruction, from the result substanti- 
ating the opinion of Abolitionists, viz. " that the slaves 
may, with safety to themselves, and to others, be instan- 
taneously emancipated ;" it stands an incontrovertible 
evidence against them — a warning that it is difficult to 
conceive how any man in his senses, would not be ad- 
monished by ; if he be one who regards the welfare and 
happiness of this country, and the real good of the 
black ! The following paragraph is taken from " the 
Plea for Africa," p. 179. 

" It has been asserted that, of free blacks collected in our 
cities and large towns, a great portion are found in abodes of 
wretchedness and vice, and hecome tenants of poor-houses and 
prisons. As a proof of the tendency of their condition, the 
following striking facts among others, ascertained a year or two 
^^ince, have been mentioned : In Massachusetts, where the col- 
oured population is small, being less than 7,000 souls, (only 
l-74th part of the whole population,) DC7^ about l-6th part 
of the whole number of convicts in the state-prison are blacks. 
In Connecticut, l-34th part of the population is coloured, and 
IXj^ l-3d part of the convicts. In New- York, l-35th part are 



(37) 

blacks ; DCf' l-4th part of the convicts in the city state-prison 
are blacks. In New-Jersey, the proportion is l-13th coloured, 
and of the convicts l-3d. In Pennsylvania, l-34th part of a 
population of more than a million of souls, is coloured ; and 
more than one-third part of the convicts are black. 

" I need not pursue these illustrations of the degradation of 
the free blacks in the non-slave-holding States. It appears 
from these statements, which I find in the First Annual Report 
of the Prison Discipline Society, that about one quarter part 
of all the expense incurred by these States for the support 
of their institutions for criminals is for coloured convicts. The 
bill of expense in three of these States stands thus : that is, 
the expense for the support of coloured convicts for the speci- 
fied number of years preceding the report from which this 
schedule is made, is in 

Massachusetts, 10 years, - - - $17,734 

Connecticut, 15 " ... 37,166 

New- York, 27 " ... 109,166 in one prison. 



$164,066 
[J^^This sum was expended in an average of less than eighteen 
years, on convicts from among a population of only 54,000 
coloured persons. 

" Illustrations, borrowed from the criminal statistics of the 
South, would place this matter in a far more unfavourable light. 
References to the expenses for the maintenance of paupers, 
would give a similar result." 

According to the above statement, it appears, that in 
Massachusetts, there are (in proportion to the whole 
population) twelve coloured persons to one white, in 
poor-houses and prisons ! 

In Connecticut^ eleven Coloured, to one White, in Do. ! 
In Neic-York, eight Coloured, to one White, in Do. ! 
In New-Jersey, four Coloured, to one White, in Do. ! 
In Pennsylvania, eleven Coloured, to one White, in Do. ! 

If the trial of 300,000 Coloured free persons, (the 
number now in the States,) emancipated gradually, 

4 



(38) 

and under the most favourable circumstances possi- 
ble, be not sufficient to open the eyes of the Aboli- 
tionists to the recklessness of their course, I know not 
what could. Can this result afford any encouragement 
or satisfaction ? And if not, why persevere in attempt- 
ing to bring about what cannot take place ; and which 
if it could, would produce incalculable misfortunes 
throughout the States ? 

We shall now investigate the other appeal, viz., 
that no evils arose from the immediate emancipation 
of the slaves in Mexico — the British slaves in the West 
Indies, those in Chili, Buenos Ay res, Colombia, and New 
York. In the first place, then, give me leave to re- 
mark that as to Mexico, the slaves there were only 
comparatively a handful, about 20,000. Secondly, 
they were incorporated into the Army, as the con- 
dition of emancipation; so that they actually only 
changed from civil to martial law ! And thirdly, so 
far from the slaves in Mexico having been set free in 
one day, it took them twelve years to buy their free- 
dom ! The law, granting them this privilege, was, it 
is true, made in one day ; but the accomplishment of 
it, took TWELVE YEARS ! Scc Dr. Reese's Letters to 
the Hon. William Jay, p. 104. As to the EngUsh 
slaves in the West Indies, every one knows their 
emancipation was not immediate, for in fact they are 
not as yet literally emancipated ! Besides, the British 
found it necessary not only to pay handsomely for 
them ; but they find it indispensably necessary still to 
maintain there a considerable standing Army ! And 
the venerable Mr. Clarkson, writing on the subject, 
said, " I never stated that our West Indian slaves 
were to be emancipated suddenly^ but by degrees. I 
alwavs, on the other hand, took it for granted, that they 



(39) 

"were to have a preparatory school, also." Lastly, as to 
the four other places, it is notorious, that the slaves 
were not in one single instance, immediately and un- 
conditionally emancipated. Here are the cases so 
frequently referred to by Abolitionists, as a ground of 
justification for their project, and yet we perceive 
there is not one of them a case, parallel, to the con- 
dition of the Southern States ; moreover, where any 
of them, have any resemblance to the circumstances 
of our country, the result shows the madness of the 
Abolition Scheme ! There is one more fatal objection 
to the Abolition system, viz., that its whole aim is the 
removal of the effect, and not the cause ! Now the 
first principle in philosophy, indeed in common sense, 
is, " to remove the cause ;" and every system built upon 
any other principle is absurd, and must turn out use- 
less. Abolitionism is therefore unphilosophical, ab- 
surd, fallacious, and inefficacious ! That slavery is 
the cause of much evil, I do not pretend to deny ; but 
then slavery itself is only an effect. For example, a 
person gets a splinter of wood into his finger — ^the 
finger inflames — the arm inflames — the whole body 
(as it were) inflames — delirium or lockjaw supervenes, 
and death closes the scene ! Now the inflamed finger 
is the cause of the inflamed arm ; and that the cause 
of the general fever ; and that the cause of the de- 
lirium ; and that the cause of death !* What kind of 
empirical practice would every attempt be to remove 
the inflammation of the finger, of the arm, or of the 
body, while the cause (the splinter) still remained in 
the finger? The very first thing any man of science 
would, under such circumstances, do, would be to ex- 

* This is described in popular, not professional, language. 



(40) 

tract the splinter — the original cause of all — when 
once the cause had been removed, then, but not till 
then, would he attempt to remove the effects. 

The attention of Abolitionists is directed solely to 
the removal of the effect — for slavery is only the effect 
of the African Slave-trade. Now if there never had 
been slave-trade^ there would be now no slavery : and 
this cause — the slave-trade, still exists. One hundred 
THOUSAND Africans are annually torn away by the hand 
of violence from their native land ; and of this num- 
ber, ere they reach their destination, sixty thousand 
die of hard and cruel treatment. Yet to all this Abo- 
litionists pay no attention, — they weep and wail over, 
and preach and brawl about, the people of colour in 
these States, nine-tenths of whom are slaves only in 
name^ and who are far better off, far happier, far more 
contented — far better provided for, than nine-tenths of 
the white labouring population of civilized Europe. 

The ingenuity of Abolitionists, I am aware, will rea- 
dily find for them a plausible answer to this charge : 
they will reply, oh if we stop slavery here — if we break 
up the system in our States, if there be no market to 
which the slave-trader can bring his slaves, the Afri- 
can traffic will soon cease. Admitted, if the little " if," 
which always professes to accomplish great things, 
could work miracles. But pray, would breaking up 
the slave-trade in these States, break up the market 
elsewhere ? Certainly not ! For those 100,000 slaves 
now annually exported from Africa, are not brought 
here ; but to the Brazils, Havanna, &c. &c. 

A short quotation from " the Plea for Africa" will 
furnish the reader with still more extensive views of 
the horrors of the slave-trade, to which Abolition- 
ists, with all their philanthropy, pay no attention. 



( 41 ) 

'' Mr. Clavkson divides the slaves into seven classes. The most 
considerable class consists of kidnapped, or stolen Africans. In 
obtaining these, every species of injustice, treachery and cruelty 
are resorted to. This class, Mr. C. supposes, embraces one half 
of the whole number transported from Africa. The second 
class consists of those whose villages are set on fire and depopu- 
lated in the darkness of night, for the purpose of obtaining a 
portion of their inhabitants. The third class consists of those 
who have been convicted of crimes. The fourth, of prisoners 
in wars that originate from common causes, or in wars made 
solely for the purpose of procuring captives for slaves. The 
fifth, such as are slaves by birth. The sixth and seventh, such 
as have surrendered their liberty by reason of debt, or by other 
imprudences, which last, however, are comparatively few in 
number. 

" They are sometimes brought a distance of a thousand 
miles; marched over land in droves, or caujles as they are 
called, secured from running away, hy pieces of wood which 
yoke them together hy the neck, two and two, or by other pieces 
fastened icith staples to their arms. 

" Some are carried to what are called slave-factories ; others 
immediately to the shore, and conveyed in boats to the different 
ships whose captains have captured or purchased them. The 
men are confined on board the ship, two and two together, either 
by the neck, leg, or arm, with fetters of iron ; and are put into 
apartments, the men occupying the forepart, the women the 
afterpart, and the children the middle. The tops of these apart- 
ments are grated for the admission of light and for ventilation 
when the weather is suitable for the grates to be uncovered, 
and are about three feet three inches in height, just sufficient 
space being allotted to each individual to sit in one posture, 
the whole stowed away like so much lumber. 

" It is said that many of them whilst the ships are waiting for 
their full lading, and whilst they are near their native shore 
which they are no more to set foot upon for ever, have been 
so depressed, and overwhelmed with such unsupportable distress, 
that they have been induced to die by their own hands. Others 
have become deranged and perfect maniacs, or have pined 
away and died with despairing, broken hearts. 
F 4* 



( 42 ) 

" In the day-time, in fair weather, they are sometimes brought 
on deck. They are then placed in long rows on each side of the 
ship, two and two together. As they are brought up from their 
apartments, a long chain is passed through the shackles of each 
couple, successively, and thus the whole row is fastened down to 
the deck. In this situation, they receive their food. After their 
coarse and meagre meal, a drum is beaten by one of the sailors, 
and at its sound the Negroes are all required to exercise, for 
their health, jumping in their chains as high as their fetters will 
let them ; and if any refuse to exercise in this way, they are 
whipped until they comply. This jumping, the slave-merchants 
call " dancing." 

" The middle passage is the whole from the time the ship 
weighs anchor until she arrives at her destined port. On the 
passage, the situation of the slaves is, indeed, doubly deplorable, 
especially if the ship have a long passage, and is very full. A 
full-grown person is allowed, in the most commodious slave-ships, 
but sixteen inches in width, three feet three inches in height, and 
five feet eight inches in length. They lie in one crowded mass 
on the bare planks, and by the constant motion of the ship, are 
often chafed until their bones are almost hare, and their limbs 
covered with bruises and sores. The heat is often so great, and 
the air they breathe so poisoned with pestilence by the feverish 
exhalations of the suffering multitude, that nature can no longer 
sustain itself. It is no uncommon occurrence, to find, on each 
successive morning, some who have died during the night, in con- 
sequence of their suffering and confined situation. A large pro- 
portion of those who are shipped, die before they have crossed 
the ocean. Many also die soon after completing the voyage, 
from what is called " the seasoning ;" that is, in becoming accli- 
mated in the country to which they are carried. 

" It is said that when the slave-holders first visited the western 
coast of Africa, the country was most delightful. The coast was 
covered with villages, or thickly settled towns, which swarmed 
with inhabitants. Simple in their manners, amiable in their 
dispositions, in quiet enjoyment of the profuse bounties of nature, 
they are represented as exceeding happy. 

"They were a comparatively innocent, unoffending, contented, 
happy race. It was not until slave-dealers introduced among 



(43) 

them every thing that could please the fancy and awaken the 
cupidity of uncivilized men, that they were at all prone to inter- 
fere v^^ith each other's happiness. By the more than brutal cru- 
elty of white men, quarrels were fomented, tribe was set against 
tribe, and each supplied with the means of mutual destruction." 

' Then what is man ? And what man, seeing this, 
And having human feelings, does not blush. 
And hang his head, to think himself a man ?" 

Besides all this, recollect that there are about fifty 
MILLIONS of Africans left exposed to the debasing influ- 
ence of this hellish practice. And if the Colonization 
Society did nothing more than stop or check this tor- 
rent of infernal iniquity, it ought to render its friends 
and advocates immortal, and make those blush {if 
blush they could) who vilify and slander them. 



CHAPTER IV. 



THE ERRORS OF THE QUARTERLY ANTI-SLAVERY MAGAZINE, FOR APRIL, 

1837, RESPECTING THE SCRIPTURAL WORDS " Servant'''' — " Propertrf — 

" Buy" &C., BRIEFLY NOTICED. 

There is no argument more frequently used by Abo- 
litionists than that the Scriptures prohibit the pur- 
chase, or sale of men, or holding any man as pro- 
perty — and as the above Magazine has no doubt con- 
tributed much, by the talent, learning, and ingenuity^ 
(I don't like to say sophistry) of its editor (Mr. Elizur 
Wright, jun.,) to build up this most preposterous as- 
sertion, I shall take leave to investigate a few of the 
arguments adopted therein. 

There is a great difference between a man going 



(44) 

to the Bible to find sanction for an opinion which he has 
already formed, and a man going to the Bible, for its opi- 
nion. The one first forms his own ideas of things, of 
what is, and what is not, right or wrong, and then goes 
to the Scriptures to sanction or corroborate those 
ideas ; the other forms no opinion whatever, until he 
searches the sacred oracles of truth to ascertain what 
they say on the subject. 

Now it appears to me evident that the editor of this 
periodical acted on the former principle — he first came 
to the conclusion, that " to own,'''' " to buy,''^ or " to sell,'''' 
a human being, was wrong and unscriptural ; and then 
went to the Bible to make it prove that his opinions 
were correct. And so far has he been carried away 
with his preconceived opinions, and so much did he 
labour under the " speW'' of Abolitionism, that he fre- 
quently confounds the act of purchasing a man, with 
the act of stealing a man ! using synonymously the 
terms " purchasing" and " stealing !" Thus when he 
attempts to prove that purchasing a man- is unscrip- 
tural, and that all slave-holders ought to be put to 
death, he refers to the twenty-first chapter of Exodus 
and sixteenth verse ! (See said Magazine, page 247- 
249). But how does this read, " He that stealeth a 
man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, 
he shall surely be put to death." It does not read, 
" he that stealeth, or selleth :" no, no ! the whole and 
only crime condemned here was, " stealing the man ;" 
but retaining or not retaining him, or selhng him, did 
not exculpate the thief! 

This is one of the most unhappy passages in the 
w hole Bible, the Abolitionists could have selected : for 
while it incontrovertibly sanctions " selling men," by 
making " the selling" no excuse for " the stealing," it 



(45) 

condemns to death the African traders, for their con- 
duct, and the American Abohtionists, for theirs.* 

The editor builds nearly the whole of his arguments, 
which occupy 126 pages, on two erroneous principles 
— which principles, if I prove to be really erroneous, 
I need not wade through his numerous conclusions to 
show the fallacy of each and every one of them ; " for 
every argument built upon a false position necessarily 
ends in an absurd conclusion." 

The two principles or pillars of his edifice are, 
1st. That as the same word (both in Hebrew and in 
Greek) signifies both slave and servant, and as every 
slave is a servant, therefore, every servant, is a slave ! 
This species of logic reminds me of the syllogism, 
that, " as, every man is an animal, and a horse is 
an animal, therefore, every man is a horse !" Is it 
necessary to spend time in exhibiting the folly and 
fallaciousness of this first principle ? A child would 
laugh at it ; yet this work is held up by Abolitionists, 
as of almost equal authority with the Bible itself! 

One or two conclusions drawn from this first prin- 
ciple will, no doubt, be gratifying to the reader. In 
page 220, the editor proceeds thus : 

" To keep the South in good spirits, we must believe not only 
that Abraham kept slaves, but that our blessed Saviour was a. 
slave-holder! Of course heaven must be, on a larger scale, 
like one of those establishments which hue the shores of the 
Mississippi. When they find a text which recognises masters or 
servants, they consider it triumphant. 

^^ First. It will prove that every country in Christendom is a 

* The Abolition Champions, by means of their addresses, rob 
(I suppose there is no difference between '■'■ robbing'''' and '■'■steal- 
ing") the Southerner of his legal property ! See their exhortations, 
&c. to the slaves. 



(46) 

slave region. On every farm in Great Britain there are servants. 
Every statute and every instrument of writing which obliges 
tenants, and keepers of cattle, 6lc., calls them servants, SLud their 
landlord or employer master. Is Great Britain a slave region 'I 
And in our own country every white apprentice is, in his inden- 
ture, called a servant. Is he a slave 1 

^^ Second. It will prove that slavery is the only kind of servitude 
which the Scriptures approve. At one " fell swoop," it would 
unchurch the professors at Princeton, and every master and ser- 
vant in our free states. If the term servant, of itself, and 
necessarily, signifies a slave, it follows not only that the king- 
dom of God has ahvays been like the kijigdom of the devil, 
in regard to servitude and personal rights, but that voluntary and 
requited servitude is a modern innovation, for which there is 
neither precedent nor example in Holy Writ ; and therefore it 
is at least doubtful whether a voluntary servant, and the master 
7vho pays him wages, ought to be received into the Church ! 
For if inspired men always passed them by unnoticed — if thos*fe 
whom they instruct and recognise as believers were slaves and 
slavemasters exclusively, where shall we find example for 
admitting the voluntary servant and his master, till Ihey qualify 
themselves by slavery? Thus the assumption in question leads 
to the conclusion, not that God tolerated slavery, but that he 
tolerated, nothins: else.'''' ! ! ! 

The above paragraph furnislies an admirable speci- 
men of the species of reasoning by which xibolitionists 
are deluded! 

The second principle, upon whicli the Editor builds 
his arguments, is that as the original word w hich sig- 
nifies '*/o buy'''' sometimes signifies something else, 
therefore it never signifies what we mean by buying or 
purchasing! I am really astonished at this gentle- 
man's forgetfulness, for to nothing else do I wish to 
attribute Jiis reasoning on this subject. He will there- 
fore pardon me in reminding him that just in propor- 
tion to the poverty of any language, does each word 
in that language represent numerous ideas; in which 
case the real meaning intended by the writer can be 



(47) 

ascertained, to a certainty, only by the concomitant 
circumstances, or adjoining expressions. If in our 
own language, which is so rich, we have numerous 
words, each representing many distinct ideas, is it at 
all surprising that such should be the case in ancient 
tongues ? This, the Editor knows far better, in all 
probability, than myself; and is also aware that pre- 
conceived theories not only put new ideas into our 
heads, but oftentimes eliminate correct ones ! Now 
when we hear of an article being bought " loith money,'''' 
these two last words put, beyond all possibility of 
doubt, and beyond all the possibility of sophistry, the 
nature of the meaning of the word ^^houghf — viz. 
" To acquire the property, right, or title, to any thing, hy 
paying a consideration, or an equivalent — to purchase ; 
to acquire by paying a price,''"' &c. [See Webster's Ame- 
rican Dictionary]. The various passages of Scripture 
quoted by the Editor in page 259, in no way whatever 
militate against the meaning of the word " huyy 

Now the following simple questions may be put : 
Lst. Did God in any one passage in the whole Bible 
forbid or prohibit the purchase of men ? Not in a sin- 
gle instance ! 2d. Did God ever give directions re- 
specting the purchase of men, and the treatment of 
men so purchased ? He unquestionably did. [See Gen. 
xvii. 13, 27. Exodus xxi. 2—7, 26, 27.] 3d. Did God 
recognize such as were thus purchased with money, as 
the property of their masters ? Most undoubtedly. 
[See Exod. xx. 17. xxi. 20, 21, where the servant is 
actually denominated, " his money !"] 

Having now proved the erroneousness of the two 
principles upon which the Editor of this Magazine 
built his arguments ; and having demolished the two 
pillars which supported his whole edifice, the argu- 



(48) 

ments and the edifice necessarily coming to naught, I 
shall end this chapter with a few remarks on a text of 
Scripture which Abolitionists adduce as a justification 
for encouraging, sheltering, and retaining, those who 
run away from their legal masters. This text is to be 
found in Deut. xxiii. 15, and reads thus, "Thou shalt 
not deliver unto his master the servant which is 
escaped from his master unto thee. He shall dwell 
with thee, even among you, in that place which he 
shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him 
best: thou shalt not oppress him." Did this verse 
stand totally unconnected with any other portion of 
the Scriptures ; were it even completely isolated, I 
could not dare, in common justice, give it that inter- 
pretation which would render it in direct opposition to 
the whole tenor of Scripture ; and which Abolitionists 
do, in order to shelter themselves from the condemna- 
tion justly attached to their principles. No marvel 
that there are thousands of men in the land who con- 
sider the Bible a mass of contradictions, when those 
who profess to believe in its Divine origin thus make it, 
to promote their own views, contradict itself. Com- 
pare the meaning attached to this passage by Aboli- 
tionists, with the first column on page 33 in this treatise, 
and then see if such meaning is not as directly opposed 
to the spirit and letter of the passages of Scripture 
contained in that column, as any two things possibly 
can be ! 

But we need only look at the passage alluded to, as 
it stands in the Bible, to see at once the true meaning 
of it ; and that it, no more sanctions or authorises the 
conduct of Abolitionists, than the command of God 
to the Jews to extirpate the inhabitants of Canaan, 
authorises the Abolitionists to extirpate our Southern 



(49) 

brethren ! Much of this chapter (Deut. xxiii.) is taken 
lip with directions to the Jews respecting their future 
conduct towards their heathen neighbours, the Am- 
monite, Moabite, tkc, from whom, (" THINE ENE- 
MIES,") if a servant escape, thou shalt not deliver 
him back. This command, be it observed, is not to 
individuals, but to the Jewish nation, which the six- 
teenth verse fully proves : for therein we find direc- 
tions given, that the servant escaped from those hea- 
then nations, may be permitted to dwell among the 
Jews, and in whatever place he chooses. This could 
not, in the nature of things, be a command to one 
Jewish master, in respect to the treatment of a slave 
that had escaped from another Jewish master : the 
one expression "he may dwell «mo/?^ you" (v. 16.) 
ends all dispute on this subject. The Abolitionists 
must now for ever more search for some other passage 
of Scripture, to contradict that which directs us to 
" do unto others as ive ivould he done by /" 



CHAPTER V. 

THE CONDUCT AND CHARACTER OF THE SOUTHERN SLAVE-HOLDER, 
VINDICATED. 

One of the peculiar features in the practice of Abo- 
lition champions, is to discredit every statement pro- 
ceeding from all others, except from themselves : and 
in this respect they resemble very much, as I stated 
in the preceding part of this pamphlet, the champions 
of Infidelity ! If there be, therefore, any truth in the 
common adage, that •" none are so suspicious as those 
G 5 



(50) 

who are conscious that their own statements ought 
not to be credited," there can be no difficulty in ac- 
counting for the unbelief of those gentlemen. 

No one pretends to deny that there are in the 
South, some cruel, irreligious — inhuman — slave-holders 
— and who will have the hardihood to deny that there 
are also in the North, tJwusands of cruel, irreligious 
and inhuman, masters, husbands, and fathers ! Would 
the latter fact be a justifiable reason for branding all 
the masters, husbands, and fathers, in the North, as a 
set of cruel, irreligious, inhuman monsters ? Ah, but 
says the Abolitionist, they do not use the lash in the 
North. — Don't they ? If not, it is only because many 
prefer the cudgel, which they use liberally on the head, 
back, and limbs of their unfortunate white slaves ! How 
many think you (in this religious city of Philadelphia) 
white masters, and white husbands, and white fathers, 
are annually bound over or punished for cruelty to 
their ivhite apprentices — white wives — and white chil- 
dren ? And how many more are they, whose barba- 
rity never comes to light, or whose wealth shelters 
them ? Methinks the effects of the cruelty of a hus- 
band or of a father, w^ould be just as sore on the back 
or head of a wife, or of a child, as if they were the 
effects of the cruelty of a slave-holder : a rose smells 
as sweet by any other name ! You reply they cannot 
sell them here; I answer, it would be far to the advan- 
tage of many if they could. 

But now to the matter of this chapter : it is con- 
stantly published and circulated by Abolitionists that 
so hard-hearted, brutal, and inhuman are all the slave- 
holders in the South, that they all desire slavery, are 
all inimical to freedom, and revel in their iniquity. So 
far from this being the case, I reply that the vast ma- 



(51 ) 

jority of them, regret the necessity of holding slaves 
— are anxious to have them emancipated, and would 
hail with delight any plan by means of which they 
could emancipate them, with safety to themselves, and 
with safety to their slaves. Let us hear the testimony 
of a few of them on the subject, recollecting that ac- 
cording to the principles of common justice, as estab- 
hshed in all civilized nations, it is not lawful to consider 
a man unworthy of credit till he is first proved to be a 
liar. 

Patrick Henry says, — 

" I repeat it again, that it \vould rejoice my very soul that 
every one of my fellow beings was emancipated. As we ought 
with gratitude to admire that decree of heaven which has num- 
bered us among the free, we ought to lament and deplore the 
necessity of holding our fellow men in bondage." — Debates in 
Virginia Cofivention. 

Zachariah Johnson says, — 

" Slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipa- 
tion which have been so much disseminated among our country- 
men. If it were totally abolished, it would do much good." Ibid. 

Judge Tucker says, — 

" The introduction of slavery into this country, is, at this day, 
considered among its greatest misfortunes.^^ And in 1803, he 
said, after pronouncing slavery to be " a calamity, a reproach, 
and a curse," — " those who wish to postpone emancipation, do 
not reflect that every day renders the task more arduous to be 
performed." 

General Harper says, — 

" It tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid us gradually and 
entirely in the United States, of slaves and slavery, a great 
moral and political evil, of increasing virulence and extent, 
from which much mischief is now felt, and very great calamity 
in future, is justly apprehended. It speaks not only to our un- 
derstandings, but to our senses ; and however it may be derided 



(52) 

by somcj or overlooked by others, who have not the ability or 
time, or do not give themselves the trouble to reflect on, and 
estimate properly, the force and extent of those great moral and 
physical causes, which prepare gradually, and at length bring 
forth the most terrible convulsions in civil society ; it will not be 
viewed without deep and awful apprehensions by any who shall 
bring sound minds, and some share of political knowledge and 
sagacity, to the serious consideration of the subject. Such per- 
sons will give their most serious attention to any proposition which 
has for its object, the eradication of this terrible mischief lurking 
in our vitals." — Letter on Colonization Society. 

Darby says, — 

" Copying from Montesquieu, and not from observation of na- 
ture-, climate has been called upon to account for stains on the 
human character, imprinted by the hand of political mistake. 
No country where negro slavery is established, but must bear, 
in part, the wounds inflicted on nature and justice. Without 
pursuing a train of metaphysical reasoning, we may at once 
draw this induction, that if slavery, like pain, is one of the laws 
of existence, the latter does not more certainly produce physical 
weakness, debility, and death, than does the former lessen the 
purity of virtue in the human br^st." — History of Louisiana. 

M'Call says,— 

*' It is shocking to human nature, that any race of mankind, 
and their posterity, should be sentenced to perpetual slavery." 
History of Georgia. 

General Mercer says, — 

" For, although it is believed, and is, indeed, too obvious to 
require proof, that the colonization of the free people of colour 
alone, would not only tend to civilize Africa; to abolish the 
slave-trade; and greatly to advance their own happiness; but to 
promote that also of the other classes of society, the proprietors 
and slaves; yet the hope of the gradual and utter abolition of 
slavery, in a manner consistent with the rights, interests, and 
liappiness of society, ought never to be abandoned." — Report to 
Colonization Society. 



( 53 ) 

F. S. Key, Esq, says, — 

" I hope I may be excused, if I add, that the subject which 
engages us, is one in which it i;; our right to act — as much our 
right to act, as it is the right of those who differ from us not to 
act. If we beHeve in the existence of a great moral and poUtical 
evil amongst us, and that duty, honour, and interest, call upon 
us to prepare the way for its removal, we must act. Ail that 
can be required of us, is, that we act discreetly," &c. — Speech 
before Colonization Society. 

Mr. Clay says, — 

" If they would repress all tendencies towards liberty and 
ultimate emancipation, they must do more than put down the 
benevolent efforts of this society. They must penetrate the 
human soul, and eradicate the light of reason, and the love of 
libert3\ Our friends, who are cursed with this greatest of hu- 
manevils, (slavery,) deserve our kindest attention and consider- 
ation. Their property and safety are both involved.^' — Speech 
before Colonization Society. 

William H. Fitzhugh, Esq. says, — 

" Slavery, in its mildest form, is an evil of the darkest charac- 
ter. Cruel and unnatural in its origin, no plea can be urged 
in justitication of its continuance, but the plea of necessity ; not 
that necessity which arises from our habits, our prejudices, or 
our wants ; but the necessity which requires us to submit to 
existing evils, rather than substitute, by their removal, others of 
a more serious and destructive character. There is no riveted 
attachment to slavery, prevailing extensively, in any portion of 
our country. Its injurious effects on our habits, our morals, our 
individual wealth, and more especially on- our national strength 
and prosperity, are universally felt, and almost universally ac- 
knowledged." 

Mr. Levasseur says, — 

" Happily, there is no part of the civilized world, in which it 
is necessary to discuss the justice or injustice of the principle 
of negro slavery ; at the present day, every sane man agrees 
that it is a monstrositv, and it would be altogether inaccurate, 

5* 



(54) 

to suppose that there are in the United States, more than else- 
where, individuals sufficiently senseless to seek to defend it, either 
by their writings or conversation. For myself, who have traversed 
the twenty-four states of the Union, and in the course of a year 
have had more than one opportunity of hearing long and keen 
discussions upon this subject, I declare that I never have found 
but a single person, who seriously defended this principle. This 
was a young man, whose head, sufficiently imperfect in its organ- 
ization, was filled with confused and ridiculous notions relative to 
Roman History ; and appeared to be completely ignorant of the 
history of his own country. It would be waste of time, to repeat 
here, his crude and ignorant tirade." 

These are the sentiments of men of eminent talents, 

CITIZENS OF THE SOUTH, AND SLAVE-HOLDERS ! 

Lastly, the Southern Reporter says, — 

" The conscientious slave-holder deserves a larger share of the 
sympathy of those who have sympathy to spare, than any other 
class of men, not excepting the slave himself." " One great evil 
of the system is its tendency to produce disorder and poverty in 
a country." " The slave-trade may be regarded as a conspiracy 
of all Europe and the commercial part of this continent, not only 
against Africa, but in a more aggravated sense, against these 
southern regions.'''' 

" Almost all masters, in Virginia, assent to the proposition, 
that when slaves can be liberated without danger to themselves, 
and to their oiv7i advantage, it ought to be done. If there are 
few who think otherwise in Virginia, I feel assured that the7'e 
at-efew such any where in the south P^ [See Dr. Reese's Letters 
to the Hon. William Jay, p. 50 — 53.] 

But if it be now asked why do they not liberate 
them, as they appear so anxious so to do ? I reply 
that totally independent of the considerations above 
stated, the law of the land prohibits their so doing un- 
less they give large security, or send them abroad. 
So that in fact the Abolitionists themselves arc now the 
actual slave-holders of thousands ! For by their calum- 



(55) 

niating and misrepresenting the motives of the advo- 
cates of the Colonization Society, they have prevented 
the influx of such means to that body as would have 
enabled it to relieve the slave-holder from that bond' 
age under which he labours, and thus free his slaves ! 

Another calumny circulated is respecting the state 
of ignorance and irreligion in which all the slave- 
holders keep their slaves. This is as great a false- 
hood as ever was uttered by man or Devils, if we are 
to give any credit to the testimony of every good and 
pious man who lives in, or has visited, the South. 

The following testimony I the more readily adduce 
because it is taken from the Report published by the 
Abolitionists, of the Discussion between Mr. Breckin- 
ridge and Mr. Thompson ; and the truth of which I 
find the latter gentleman does not attempt to deny. 

"religious instruction of slaves. 

" The Southern Evangelical Society," is the title of a pro- 
posed association, among the Presbyterians of the South, for the 
propagation of the gospel among the people of colour. The 
constitution originated in the synod of North Carolina, and is to 
go into effect as soon as adopted by the synod of Virginia, or that 
of South Carolina and Georgia. The voting members of the 
society are to be elected by the synods. Honorary members are 
created by the payment of 30 dollars. All members of synods 
united with the society are corresponding members — other cor- 
responding members may be chosen by the voting members. 
Article 4th of the constitution provides that ' there shall not 
exist between this society and any other society, any connexion 
whatever, except with a similar society in the slave-holding 
states.' Several resolutions follow the constitution — one of these 
provides that a presbytery in a slave-holding district of the coun- 
try, not united with a synod in connexion with the society, may 
become a member by its own act. The 5th and 6th resolutions 
are as follows : — 

•' Pvesolved, 5. That it be very respectfully and earnestly re- 



(56) 

commended to all the heads of families in connexion with our 
congregations, to take up and vigorously prosecute the business 
of seeking the salvation of the slaves in the way of maintaining 
and promoting family religion. 

" Resolved, 6. That it be enjoined on all the presbyteries com- 
posing this synod to take order at their earhest meeting to obtain 
full and correct statistical information as to the number of peo- 
ple of colour, in the bounds of our several congregations, the 
number in actual attendance at our several places of worship, 
and the number of coloured members in our several churches, 
and make a full report to the synod at its next meeting, and for 
this purpose, that the clerk of this synod furnish a copy of this 
resolution to the stated clerk of each presbytery." 

" The next document carried them one state farther South, 
and related to South Carolina, in which that horrible Gov. 
M'Duffie, who seems to haunt Mr. Thompson's imagination with 
his threats of ' death without benefit of clergy,' lives, and per- 
haps still rules. It is taken from the same paper as the next 
preceding extract : — 

" RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF SLAVES. 

" From an intelligent New Englander at the South : — 
"To the Editor of the New York Observer — 

" I am apprehensive that many of your readers, who feel a 
lively interest in the welfare of the slaves, are not correctly and 
fully informed as to their amount of religious instruction. From 
the speeches of Mr. Thompson and others, they might be led to 
believe that slaves in our Southern states never read a Bible, 
hear a gospel sermon, or partake of a gospel ordinance. It is 
to be hoped, however, that little credit will be given to such 
misrepresentations, notwithstanding the zeal and industry with 
which they are disseminated. 

" What has been done on a single Plantation. 

" I will now inform your readers what has been done, and is 
now doing, for the moral and religious improvement of the slaves 
on a single plantation, with which I am well acquainted, and 
tliese few facts may serve as a commentary on the imsupported 



( •'■ ) 

assertions of Mr. Thompson and others. And here I could wish 
that all who are so ready to denounce every man that is so un- 
fortunate as to be born to a heritage of slaves, could go to that 
plantation, and see with their own eyes, and hear with their ov/u 
ears, the things which I despair of adequately describing. Truly, 
I think they would be more inclined, and better qualified to use 
those weapons of liglit and love which have been so ably and 
justly commended to their hands. 

"On this plantation there are from ITjO to 200 slaves, the 
finest looking body that I have seen on any estate. Their mas- 
ter and mistress have felt for years how solemn are the respon- 
sibilities connected with such a charge ; and they have not 
shrunk from meeting them. The means used for their spiritual 
good, are abundant. They enjoy the constant preaching of the 
gospel. A young minister of the Presbyterian church, who has 
received a regular collegiate and theological education, is labour- 
ing among them, and derives his entire support from the master, 
with the exception of a trifling sum which he receives for preach- 
ing one Sabbath in each month, for a neighbouring church. On 
the Sabbath and during the week you may see them filling the 
place of worship, from the man of gray hairs to the small child, 
all neatly and comfortably clothed, listening with respectful, and 
in many cases, eager attention to the truth as it is in Jesus, de- 
livered in terms adapted to their capacities, and in a manner 
suited to their peculiar habits, feelings and circumstances ; — 
engaging with solemnity and propriety in the solemn exercise of 
prayer, and mingling their melodious \'oices in the hymn of 
praise. Sitting among them are the white members of the 
family encouraging them by their attendance, manifesting their 
interest in the exercises, and their anxiety for the eternal well 
being of their people. Of the whole number 45 or .">0 have 
made a profession of religion, and others are evidently deeply 
concerned. 

"Let me now conduct you to a Bible class of 10 or 12 adults 
who can read, met with their Bibles to study and have explain- 
ed to them the word of God. They give unequivocal demonstra- 
tions of much interest in their emplovment, and of an earnest 
desire to understand and remember what they read. From 
hence we will go to another room where are assembled 18 or 20 
H 



(58) 

lads attending upon catechetical instruction conducted by their 
young master. Here you will notice many intelligent counte- 
nances, and will be struck with the promptitude and correctness 
of their answers. 

" But the most interesting spectacle is yet before you. It is to 
be witnessed in the Infant School Room, nicely fitted up and sup- 
plied with the customary cards and other appurtenances. Here, 
every day in the week, you may find 25 or 30 children neatly 
clad, and wearing bright and happy faces. And as you notice 
their correct deportment, hear their unhesitating replies to the 
questions proposed, and above all, when they unite their sweet 
voices in their touching songs, if your heart is not affected and 
your eyes do not fill, you are the hardest-hearted and driest-eyed 
visitor that has ever been there. But who is their teacher? 
Their mistress, a lady whose amiable christian character, and 
most gifted and accomplished manners are surpassed by none. 
From day to day — month to month, and year to year, she has 
cheerfully left her splendid halls and circle of friends to visit her 
school room, where, standing up before those young immortals, she 
trains them in the way in which they should go, and leads them 
to Him who said, ' suffer little children to come unto me.' 

" From the Infant School Room, we will walk through a beau- 
tiful lawn half a mile, to a pleasant grove commanding a view 
of miles in extent. Here is a brick chapel rising for the accom- 
modation of this interesting family — sufficiently large to receive 
2 or 300 hearers. When completed, in beauty and convenience 
it will be surpassed by few churches in the Southern country. 

" On the plantation you might see also many other things of 
great interest. Here a negro is the overseer. Marriages are 
regularly contracted. No negro is sold, except as a punishment 
tor bad behaviour, and a dreaded one it is. None is bought save 
for the purpose of uniting families. Here you will hear no 
clanking of chains, no cracking of whips ; (I have never seen a 
blow struck on the estate,) and here last, but not least, you will 
find a flourishing Temperance Society embracing almost every 
individual on the premises. And yet the ' Christianity of the 
South is a chain-forging, a whip-platting — marriage discouraging, 
Bible-withholding Christianity !' 

" I have confined myself to a single plantation. But I might 



(59) 

add many interesting facts in regard to others, and tlie state of 
feeling in general, but I forbear. 

Yours, &,c. A NEW-ENGLAND MAN. 

" He would now connect the peculiar and local facts of the 
preceding statement, with the whole community of slave-holders 
in the same stale ; and show by competent and disinterested tes- 
timony the real and common state of things. The Ibllowing ex- 
tracts were from a letter printed in the New York Observer of 
July 25, 1835. 

*' I have resided eight years in South Carolina, and have an 
extensive acquaintance with the planters of the middle and low 
country. I have seen much of slavery, and feel competent to 
speak in regard to many facts connected with it. 

" What your correspondent has stated of the condition of one 
plantation, is, in its essential points, a common case throughout 
the whole circle of my acquaintance. 

" The negroes generally in this state are well fed, well clothed, 
and have the means of religious instruction. According to my 
best judgment, the work which a slave here is required to do, 
amounts to about one third the ordinary labour commonly per- 
formed by a New-England farmer. A similar comparison would 
hold true in regard to the labour of domestics. In the family 
where I reside, consisting of nine white persons, seven slaves are 
employed to do the work. This is a common case. 

"In the village where I live there are about 400 slaves, and 
they generally attend church. More than one hundred of them 
are members of the church. Perhaps 200 are assembled every 
Sabbath in the Sunday Schools. In my own Sunday School are 
about 60, and most of them professors of religion. They are 
perfectly accessible and teachable. In the town of my former 
residence in New-England, there were 300 free blacks. No more 
than 8 or 10 of those were professors of religion, and not more 
than twice that number could generally be induced to attend 
church. They could not be induced to send their children to the 
district schools, which were always open to them, nor could they 
generally be hired to work. They were thievish, wretched and 
troublesome. I have no hesitation in saying, and I say it delib- 
erately, it would be a great blessing to them to exchange con- 
ditions with the slaves of the village in which I now live. Their 



( 60 ) 

intellectual and moral characters, and real means of improvement, 
Avould be promoted by the exchange. 

"There are doubtless some masters who treat their slaves 
cruelly in (his State, but they arc exceptions to the general fact. 
Public opinion is in a wholesome state, and the man who does not 
treat his slaves kindly, is disgraced. 

" Great and increasing ellbrts are made to instruct the slaves; 
in religion, and elevate their characters. Missionaries are em- 
ployed solely for their benefit. It is very common for ministers 
to preach in the forenoon to the whites, and in the afternoon of 
each Sabbath to the blacks. The slaves of my acquaintance 
are generally contented and happy. The master is reprobated 
who will divide families. Many thousands of slaves of this State 
give evidence of piety. In many churches they form the major- 
ity. Thousands of them give daily thanks to God, that they or 
their fathers were brought to this land of Slavery. 

*' And now, perhaps, I ought to add, that I am not a slave- 
holder, and do not intend to continue in a slave country ; but 
\vherever I may be, I intend to speak the TRUTH. 

" The next document related particularly to Virginia, — the 
largest and most powerful of the slave states ; but had also a 
general reference to the whole south, and to the whole question 
at issue. The sentiments it contained were entitled to extraor- 
dinary consideration, on account of the source of them. Mr. 
Van Kenselaer was the son of one of the most wealthy and dis- 
tinguished citizens of the great free state of New York. He had 
gone to Virginia to preach to the slaves. He had everywhere 
succeeded ; was everywhere beloved by the slaves, and honoured 
by their masters. He had access to perhaps forty different plan- 
tations, — on which he from time to time preached, — and which 
might have been doubled, had his strength been equal to the 
task. In the midst of his usefulness — the storm of abolition arose. 
Mr. Thompson, like some balelul star, landed on our shores ; or- 
ganized a reckless agitation, made many at the north frantic 
with folly — and as many at the south furious with passion. Mi'. 
Van Renselaer, like many others, saw a storm raging which they 
had no power to control ; and like them withdrew from his be- 
nevolent labours. The following brief statements made by him 
at a great meeting of the Colonization Society of New Yoric, 
exhibit his own view of the conduct and duty of the parties. 



(61) 

" The Rev. Cortlandt Van Renselaer, formerly of Albany, 
but who has lately resided in Virginia, addressed the meeting, 
and after alluding to the difference of opinion which prevailed 
among the friends of Colonization, touching the present condition 
and treatment of the coloured population in this country, pro- 
ceeded to offer reasons why the people of the North should ap- 
proach their brethren in the South, ^v•ho held the control of the 
coloured population, with deference, and in a spirit of kindness 
and conciliation. 

"These reasons were briefly as follows: 1. Because the people 
of the South had not consented to the original introduction of 
slaves into the country, but had solemnly, earnestly, and repeat- 
edly remonstrated against it. 2. Because, having been born in 
the presence of slavery, and accustomed to it from their infancy, 
they could not be expected to view it in the same light as we 
view it at the North. 3. Slavery being there established by 
law, it was not in the power of individuals to act in regard to it 
as their personal feelings might dictate. The evil had not been 
eradicated from the state of New York all at once : it had been 
a gradual process, commencing with the law of 1790, and not 
consummated until 1827. Ought we (o denounce our Southern 
neighbours if they refused to do the work at a blow I 4. The 
constitution of the United States, tolerated slavery, in its articles 
apportioning representation with reference to the slave popu- 
lation, and requiring the surrender of runaway slaves. 5. Sla- 
very had been much mitigated of late years, and the condition 
of the slave population much ameliorated. Its former rigour waa 
almost unknown, at least in Virginia, and it was lessening con- 
tinually. It was not consistent with truth to represent the 
slaves as groaning day and night under the lash of tyrannical 
task-masters. And as to being kept in perfect ignorance, Mr. 
V. had seldom seen a plantation where some of the slaves could 
not read, and ichere they were not encouraged to learn, hi 
South Carolina, where it ivas said the gospel was si/stematically 
denied to the slave, there ivere twenty thousand of them church- 
members in the Methodist denomination alone. He kneio a 
.small church ivhere out of 70 communicants, 50 were in sla- 
very. (). There were very great difficulties connected with the 
work of Abohtion. The relations of slavery had ramified them- 

G 



(62) 

selves through all the relations of society. The slaves were 
comparatively very ignorant ; their character degraded ; and 
they were unqualified lor immediate freedom. A blunder in 
such a concern as universal Abolition, would be no light matter. 
Mr. V. here referred to the result of experience and personal 
observation on the mind of the well known Mr. Parker, late a 
minister of this city, but now of New Orleans. He had left 
this city for the South with the feelings of an immeTliate Abo- 
litionist ; but he had returned with his views wholly changed. 
After seeing slavery and slave-holders, and that at the far South, 
he now declared the idea of immediate and universal Abolition 
to be a gross absurdity. To liberate the two and a half mil- 
lions of slaves in the midst of us, would be just as wise and as 
humane, as it would be for the father of a numerous family of 
young children to take them to the front door, and there bidding 
them good bye, tell them they were free, and send them out into 
the world to provide for and govern themselves. 7. Foreign 
interference was, of necessity, a delicate thing, and ought ever 
to be attempted with the utmost caution. 8. There was a large 
amount of unfeigned Christian anxiety at the South to obey God 
and to do good to man. There were many tears and prayers 
continually poured out over the condition of their coloured peo- 
ple, and the most earnest desire to mitigate their sorrows. 
Were such persons to be approached with vituperation and 
anathemas? 9. There was no reason why all our sympathies 
should be confined to the coloured race and utterly withheld 
from our white Southern brethren. The apostle Paul exhibited 
no such spirit. 10. A regard to the interest of the slaves them- 
selves dictated a cautious and prudent and forbearing course. It 
called for conciliation : for the fate of the slaves depended on the 
will of their masters, nor could the North prevent it. The late 
laws against teaching slaves to read had not been j)a.ssed until 
the Southern people found injlammatory publications circulo' 
ting among the coloured people. 11. The spirit of the gospel 
forbade all violence, abuse and threatening. The apostles had 
wished to call fire from heaven on those they considered as 
Christ's enemies ; but the Saviour instead of approving this fiery 
zeal, had rebuked it. 12. These Southern people, who were 
represented as so grossly violating all Christian duty, had been 



( 03) 

the subjects of gracious blessings from God in the outpourings of 
his Spirit. 13. When God convinced men of error, he did it in 
the spirit of mercy ; wc ought to endeavour to do the same 
thing in the same spirit." 

The last testimony that I shall adduce on this sub- 
ject is from "The Plea for Africa" [p. IGO, 1G4] in 
which the writer says, 

" There is certainly a pleasing and commendable spirit ex- 
hibited, after all the precautionary provisions of legislative acts, 
by the christian community at the South, in respect to the 
religious instruction of their slaves. I have before me a letter 
from an eminent clergyman of Virginia, a part of which I will 
read, since you may from such sources be better able to appre- 
hend the true feeling of Christians at the South, and the actual 
condition of the slaves : 

" ' To give you an idea of the feeling of the Christian com- 
munity toward that unfortunate class of people which we have 
among us, I would refer you to the articles which appeared in 
the Religious Telegraph during the last year, signed, ' Zinzin- 
dorf,' and which terminated in passing a resolution in the synod 
of Virginia, recommending every church in the State, to set 
apart one of its best qualified members, whose duty it shall be 
to give religious instruction to the coloured people. And I am 
happy to state, that many enter upon this self-denying, though 
pleasing duty. 

" ' We hope that the public mind is fast preparing for a 
general emancipation, and that the Christian community will 
not be remiss in instructing and preparing the coloured people 
for the colony. The redeeming spirit is amongst us, I hope, and 
will not rest till every slave shall be restored to the land of their 
fathers, and this State placed upon a footing with the other 
happy States of our Union, who know not the curses of sla- 
very.' 

" I have also before me a letter from Georgia, written by a 
distinguished gentleman to his friend, on the same subject, which 
reads as follows : 

" ' With regard to your inquiries about the religious instruc- 
tion of the Negroes of the South, I would state, that we have 



( f't ) 

much reason to be grateful for what is doing, and for wliat in 
prospect may be done. My knowledge on this subject is con- 
lined to Georgia and South Carolina ; I visited Bryan county, 
Georgia, a few weeks since, for the exclusive purpose of seeing 
what was doing there for the Negroes. On one plantation I 
found the slaves far more improved, both as regards their tem- 
poral comforts, and their religious instruction, than I had expect- 
ed to see. The number of Negroes on this plantation is, I be- 
lieve, about two hundred. They live in framed houses, raised 
above the ground — spacious, and in every way comfortable, and 
calculated to promote health. The Negroes were uniformly 
clad in a very decent and comfortable way. There is a chapel 
on the place where the master meets the adults every night at 
the ringing of the bell. Reading a portion of Scripture, and 
explaining it, singing, and prayer, constitute the regular exer- 
cises of every night in the week. On the Sabbath they have 
different and more protracted exercises. 

" ' A day school is taught by two young ladies — embracing all 
the children under twelve or fifteen years of age. The instruc- 
tion in this and other schools in the county, is oral, of course ; but 
it was gratifying to see how great an amount of knowledge the 
children had acquired in a few months. A Presbyterian minister 
of Philadelphia was with me, and he said, in unqualified terms, 
that he visited no infant schools at the North better conducted — 
Schools on the same plan are now established on the several 
other plantations in the same county. And I think I may say 
there is a very general interest getting up on this subject. A 
large portion of the wealthy planters either have already, or 
contemplate building churches on their premises, and employing 
chaplains to preach to their slaves. Several I could mention 
who, though they are not pious themselves, have done this already, 
from what they have seen of the beneficial influence of religious 
instruction on the slaves of other plantations. Persons at a dis- 
tance may be surprised at this fact, but it is so in a number of 
cases that I could name, if it were necessary. Ministers of all 
denominations begin to awake to their duty and responsibility on 
this subject. Many of them are now devoting themselves wholly 
to this portion of our community ; and it is to be hoped that every 
christian master will soon be brought to an enlightened sense of 



(03 ) 

duly. And if we are allowed to py-osecute this work ivifJiout in- 
disa^eet interference on the part of our Northern brethren, I 
feel assured that we shall see the Negroes y«r more improved in 
a short time than they are at present.' 

" Of the religious condition of the slaves in South Carolina, a 
clergyman in that State writes : 

" I am able from authentic information to say, tiiat of the five 
hundred and eighty thousand, which compose the entire popu- 
lation of this State, about sixty-seven thousand are members in 
the Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, and Episcopalian churches. 
Of these communicants more than forty thousand are slaves. 
The whole slave population is 315,000. It is easily seen, there- 
fore, that of the wiiite population about one-sevejith are church 
members. It is proper these facts should come into the estimate 
of the religious condition and prospects of our slaves. In New- 
England there are twenty thousand, and in the free states a hun- 
dred and twenty -thousand blacks. I should be glad to see a 
comparison of their religious condition Avith that of our slaves in 
this one item. Do you believe that one-twentieth of them are 
communicants ? And do you believe that in New-England, as 
here, there is a larger proportion of black than white commu- 
nicants? And what is doing tliere to improve the moral condition 
of the blacks?" 

" I might multiply proofs of a disposition prevailing extensively 
at the South in all the States to give to the slaves religious in- 
struction, and all practicable religious privileges. I think the 
general feeling on this subject is greatly misapprehended in the 
non-slave-holding States. The evils of slavery are great, but 
they ought not to be magnified either by representing the slaves 
as deprived of all religious privileges, or their masters as destitute 
of christian benevolence and the feelings of humanity." 
I G* 



(66) 



CHAPTER VI. 

COLONIZATION PRINCIPLES VINDICATED CALUMNIES REFUTED — THE GOOD 

COLONIZATION HAS ALREADY DONE IS DOING — AND THE INCALCULABLE 

GOOD IT AVILL DO, IF DULY PATRONISED. 

The Colonization Society was formed in Washington, 
December 21st, 1816 ; and not in Virginia, as Aboli- 
tionists falsely assert. Amongst its most prominent 
promoters and founders, were, Finlay — Caldwell — 
and Mills ; than whom none were more excellent and 
pious : they were not slave-holders, as Abolitionists 
falsely assert. 

Although the simple object of this Society is the 
colonization of the free people of colour, who volunta- 
rily desire to go abroad, yet the members of it are de- 
cidedly opposed to slavery. And although as a body 
they do not attempt to interfere with the rights of the 
slave-holder, yet as individuals they have, and do ex- 
ercise their utmost powers to diminish the evils of 
slavery — to provide, for the liberated person of colour, 
and to induce the slave-holder to emancipate his slaves; 
and all this consistent with the legal interest of the 
owner, and consistent with the laws of God. Nothing 
could more satisfactorily prove the truth of these 
statements than the two following facts, 1st, that the 
actual PRO-SLAVERY party denounce the Colonization 
Society ; and 2dly, that vast numbers of slaves have 
been emancipated through the influence of this So- 
ciety. Dr. Reese says in his work before quoted, p. 41, 

"The society does not merely *^ promise" to promote Abolition, 
but exerts a mighty and successful moral injiuence in actually 
abolishing slavery. And here Iivill not refer to the truth, ichich 
he who runs may read, that in Kentucky, Delaware, Maryland, 



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and even Virginia itself, it is now openly avowed that ^coloni- 
zation doctrines have sealed the death ivarrant of slavery /' 
Hence the pro-slavery party have declared that ' colonization 
and emancipation are synonymous terms, and that the approach 
of the former must he resisted /' At a meeting of the same 
party in Charleston, the following toast was given, ' May the 
infernal regions soon he colonized with the officers of the 
Colonization Society !' And while labouring with your mis- 
guided associates in the North, to hold up the Colonization Soci- 
ety, as hypocritical in its professions to exert a moral infuence 
towards the voluntary and utter abolition of slavery, you are 
leagued with ' all the advocates of the negro's perpetual bondage, 
who are the bitter uncompromising enemies of the society.' The 
Rev. J. M. Danforth states on his own personal knowledge, that 
in South Carohna, ' the society, and every thing connected with it, 
are held in extreme abhorrence by our leading men, our poli- 
ticians and wealthy planters. It is so unpopular an institution, 
that very few name it publicly, — it is regarded here as a north- 
ern scheme io tvrest from us our slaves.^ In your anti-colonization 
efforts then, you are associated in action with the very men, whose 
character as slave-holders is so odious, that you deprecate their 
connexion with the colonization cause, as an unpardonable sin. 
Let me conjure you, sir, no longer to be 'jostled by the trafficker 
in human flesh,' in your crusade against the society or its benev- 
olent objects, but abandon the * bad eminence' to which your 
' want of information' has unhappily raised you." 

" The following manumissions are the legitimate result of the 
' moral injluencc' of the Colonization Society. 

"*It would be endless to enumerate the cases of this kind 
that have occurred. Some of them must be recorded, that the 
acts and the names of the parties, where known, may have the 
applause to which they are entitled, and, what is of more conse- 
quence, that they may serve as stimuli to others, to follow the 
noble example. 

" A lady, near Charleston, Va. liberated all her slaves, ten in 
number, to be sent to Liberia; and moreo\er purchased two, 

* Mathew Carey, Esq. 



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whose families were among her slaves. For the one she gave 
$450, and for the other $350. 

" The late William Fitzhugh bequeathed their freedom to all 
his slaves, after a certain fixed period, and ordered that their 
expenses should be paid to whatsoever place they should think 
proper to go. And, ' as an encouragement to them to emigrate 
to the American colony on the coast of Africa, where,' adds 
the ivill, 'I believe their happiness ivill be more permanently 
secured, I desire not only that the expenses of their emigration 
be paid, but that the sum of fifty dollars be paid to each one so 
emigrating, on his or her arrival in Africa.' 

" David Shriver, of Frederick co. Maryland, ordered by his 
will, that all his slaves, thirty in number, should be emancipated, 
and that proper provision should be made for the comfortable 
support of the infirm and aged, and for the instruction of the 
youHg in reading, writing, and arithmetic, and in some art or 
trade, by which they might acquire the means of support. 

"Col. Smith, an old revolutionary officer, of Sussex county, 
Va. ordered in his will, that all his slaves, seventy or eighty in 
number, should be emancipated; and bequeathed above .$5000 
to defray the expense of transporting them to Liberia. 

" Patsey Morris, of Louisa co., Va. directed by will, that all 
her slaves, sixteen in number, should be emancipated, and left 
$500 to fit them out, and defray the expense of their passage. 

" The schooner Randolph, which sailed from Georgetown, 
South Carolina, had on board twenty-six slaves, liberated by a 
benevolent individual near Qiera^'. 

"Of 105 emigrants, who sailed in the brig Doris, from Balti- 
more and Norfolk, sixty-two were emancipated on condition of 
being conveyed to Liberia. 

" Sampson David, late a member of the legislature of Ten- 
nessee, provided by will, that all his slaves, twenty-two in imm- 
ber, who are mostly young, should be liberated in 1840, or sooner, 
at his wife's decease, if she died before that period. 

" Herbert B. Elder, of Petersburg, Va. bequeathed their free- 
dom to all his slaves, twenty in number, with directions that they 
should be conveyed to Liberia, by the first opportunity. 

" A gentleman in Georgia, has recently left forty-nine slaves 
free, on condition of their removal to Liberia. 



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" Mrs. Elizabeth Morris, of Bourbon co., Va. provided by will 
for the emancipation of her slaves, about forty in number. 

" David Patterson, of Orange co., North Carolina, freed eleven 
slaves, to be sent to Liberia. 

" Rev. Fletcher Andrew gave freedom to twenty, who consti- 
tuted most of his property, for the same purpose. 

" Nathaniel Crenshaw, near Richmond, liberated sixty slaves, 
with a view to have them sent to Liberia. 

" Rev. Robert Cox, SulFolk co., Va. provided by his w-ill for 
the emancipation of all his slaves, upwards of thirty, and left 
several hundred dollars to pay their passage to Liberia. 

"Joseph Leonard Smith, of Frederick co., Md. liberated twelve 
slaves, who sailed from Baltimore for Liberia. 

"Of 107 coloured persons who sailed in the Carolinian, from 
Norfolk for hibena, forty-Jive were emancipated on condition of 
being sent there. 

" In the brig Criterion, which sailed from Norfolk for Liberia, 
on the 2d August, 1831, there were forty-six persons who had 
been liberated, on condition of proceeding to Liheina ; 18 by 
Mrs. Greenfield, near Natchez ; 8 by Mr. Williams, of Elizabeth 
city, N. C. ; 7 by Gen. Jacocks, of Perquimans, Ohio ; 4 by 
Thomas Davis, Montgomery co. Miss. ; 2 by two other individuals 5 
and 5 by some of the Quakers in North Carolina. Of those 
liberated slaves, 2 only were above 40 years of age, 22 were 
under 35, and 22 under 20. 

" A gentleman in N. C, last year, gave freedom to all hii 
slaves, 14 in number, and provided 20 dollars each, to pay their 
passage to Liberia. 

" Mrs. J. of Mercer co., Kentucky, and her two sons, one n 
clergyman, and the other a physician, lately oifered the Coloni- 
zation Society, sixttj slaves, to be conveyed to Liberia. 

" Henry Robertson, of Hampton, Va., bequeathed their freedom 
lo seven slaves, and fifty dollars to each, to aid in their removal 
to Liberia. 

" William Fletcher, of Perquimans, N. C, ordered by will, 
that his slaves, twelve in number, should be hired out for a year 
after his death, to earn wherewith to pay for their conveyance to 
Liberia. 

" A gentleman in Kentucky, lately wrote to the secretary of 



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the society, ' I will willingly give up twelve or fifteen of my 
coloured people at this time ; and so on gradually, till the whole, 
about sixty, are given up, if means for their passage can be 
afforded.' 

" On board the Harriet, from Norfolk, of one hundred and sixty 
emigrants, heiween forty and fifty had been slaves, emancipated 
on condition of being sent to Africa. 

" In addition to these instances, several others might be added, 
particularly that of Richard Bibb, Esq., of Kentucky, who pro- 
poses to send sixty slaves to Liberia — two gentlemen in Missouri, 
who desire to send eleven slaves — a lady in Kentucky oSers forty 
— the Rev. John C.Burress, of Alabama, intends preparing all 
his slaves for Colonization — the Rev. William L. Breckenridge, 
of Kentucky, manumitted 1 1 slaves, who sailed a few weeks ago 
from New-Orleans. 

*' In this work of benevolence, the Society of Friends, as in so 
many other cases, have nobly distinguished themselves, and as- 
sumed a prominent attitude. They have, in North Carolina, 
liberated no less than 652 slaves, whom they had under their 
care, besides, as says my authority, an unknown number of chil- 
dren, husbands and w'ives, connected with them by consanguinity, 
and of whom, part went to Canada, part to Liberia, part to Hayti, 
and a portion to Ohio. In the performance of these acts of be- 
nevolence, they expended $12,759. They had remaining under 
their care, in December, 1830, 402 slaves, for whom similar ar- 
rangements were to be made. 

" It holds out every encouragement to the Colonization Society, 
that the applications for the transportation of free negroes, and 
slaves proposed to be emancipated on condition of removal to 
Liberia, /ar exceed its means. There are, in North Carolina and 
the adjacent states, from three to four thousand of both descrip- 
tions, ready to embark, were the society in a situation to send 
them away. 

" R. S. Finlay, Esq., at a late anniversary says, — 

" I know that much pains have been taken to calumniate our 
brethren of the south, by representing them to be the advocates 
of perpetual despotism. From an extensive and familiar ac- 
</uai7itance with their views and sentiments, formed upon actual 



(71) 

observation, I know this not to be the fact. I have publicly dis- 
cussed this subject everywhere in the sdtithern states, from the 
eastern shore of Maryland to the Gulf of Mexico, in the presence 
of hundreds of slaves at a time, and with the general approbation 
of the audience to which my addresses were delivered, — and 
have uniformly represented it as affording the best and only safe 
means o{ gradually and entirely abolishing slavery. Indeed, so 
well is the moral influence of the operations of this society un- 
derstood in the extreme ^outh, that all the advocates of perpetual 
slavery are bitterly opposed to it, and none are its advocates, but 
the friends of gradual, peaceful, and ultimate entire emanci- 
pation /" lOth Report. 

"In a letter, dated Nov. 4, 1831, Mr. Clarkson says, 
" For myself, I freely confess, that of all tlie things which have 
occurred in our favour since the year 1787, when the abolition 
of the slave trade Was first seriously proposed, that which is now 
going on in the United States, under the auspices of the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society, is most important. It surpasses any- 
thing which has yet occurred. Ao sooner had the colony been 
founded at Cape Montserado, than there appeaj'ed a disposition 
among the owners of slaves in the United States to give them 
freedom iioluntarily, without one farthing of compensation, and 
to allow them to be sent to the land of their ancestors. This is 
to me truly astonishing! a total change of heart in the planters, 
so that many thousands of slaves may be redeemed without any 
cost of their redemj)tion ! Can this almost universal feeling have 
taken place without the intervention of the Spirit of God !" 

" Within one year it is said that more than 2000 slaves have 
been offered the Colonization Society from five different States, 
with the desire expressed on the part of both master and slave, 
for a passage to Liberia. As Colonization gains ground, the 
freedom of untold thousands, it is to be hoped, ivill be secured, 
and Africa gladdened yet more and more with the light of civi- 
lization and Christianity." 

Abolitionists assert, with a degree of confidence that 
not unfrequently makes an unreflecting audience receive 
that for unquestionable truth, which has not a shadow 



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of truth in it, that the Colonization Society has done no- 
thing as yet in the cause of the afflicted man of colour ! 
However satisfactorily the preceding instances expose 
the fallacy of this accusation; yet that which this So- 
ciety has done, and is doing, is not confined to these 
cases ; but extends to still further, and more important 
operations, which maybe divided into two distinct heads. 
First, the happiness and comfort bestowed on those 
who have gone to Liberia; and secondly, the consider- 
able check already given to the African slave-trade, 
by its total suppression along the wliole coast of Liberia. 

I shall prove the first of these statements by docu- 
ments drawn up and signed by the coloured inhabitants 
of Liberia, who themselves had once been slaves, which 
is, it is presumed, the very best possible evidence that 
could be adduced. 

At a Public Meeting, held pursuant to notice, in 
Monrovia (^Liberia) on Wednesday, Sept. 29th, 1836, 
J. C. Barbour, Esq., in the chair, the following reso- 
lutions were proposed and carried unanimously — 

1. "On motion of the Rev. J. Revey, 

" Resolved, That this meeting entertain the warmest gratitude 
for W'hat the Colonization Society have done for the people of 
colour, and for us particularly, and that we regard the scheme 
as entitled to the highest confidence of every man of colour. 

2. " On motion of S. Benedict, Esq., 

" Resolved, That we return our grateful acknowledgments to 
# * # #^ # # # #^ Esqrs., and other early and devoted 
friends of colonization ; names for which we shall ever cherish 
the highest esteem ; that we hear with regret, frojji misrepre- 
sentation or want of accurate information, they have abandoned 
the noble scheme; and that we hope the day is not far distant 
in which they will again reunite their energies to advance the 
high and benevolent object. 

3. " On motion of Mr. H. Teage, 

" Resolved, That this meeting regard the colonizing institution 



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as one of the highest, holiest, and most benevolent enterprises 
of the present day ; that as a plan for the amelioration of the 
coloured race it takes the precedence of all that have been pre- 
sented to the attention of the modern world ; that in its opera- 
tions it is peaceful and safe ; in its tendencies, beneficial and ad- 
vantageous ; that it is entitled to the highest veneration and un- 
bounded confidence of every man of colour ; that what it has 
already accomplished demands our devout thanks and gratitude 
to those noble and disinterested philanthropists that compose it, 
as being, under God, the greatest earthly benefactors of a de- 
spised and depressed portion of the human family. 

" The hour being late, on motion of Rev. B. R. Wilson, 
" Resolved, That the meeting adjourn until to-morrow, 10 
o'clock, A. M., to the First Baptist Meeting-house. 

" Thursday, 10th. — Met according to adjournment. 

4. " On motion of James Brown, Esq. — Resolved, That tiie 
thanks of this meeting be presented to those ladies of the United 
States, particularly to those of New-York, Philadelphia, and 
Richmond, for their disinterested efforts to educate the children 
of this colony ; and that they be assured that, in no department 
of the colony, do the effects of colonization shine more con- 
spicuously than in the schools supported by their benevolence. 

5. " On motion of Doctor J. W. Prout, — Resolved, That this 
meeting entertain grateful remembrance of General Robert G. 
Harper of Baltimore, an early and devoted friend of coloniza- 
tion ; also of the name of the late Daniel Murray, Esq. of Bal- 
timore, and that we regard the Colonization Society and its 
friends as powerfully efficient in elevating the man of colour. 

" Whereas it has been widely and maliciously circulated, in 
the United States of America, that the inhabitants of this colony 
are unhappy in their situation, and anxious to return : 

6. " On motion of Rev. B. R. Wilson, — Resolved, That the 
report is false and malicious, and originated only in a design to 
injure the colony, by calling off the support and sympathy of 
its friends : that, so far from a desire to return, we would regard 
such an event as the greatest calamity that could befall us. 

7. " On motion of Rev. G. R. IsicGWl— Resolved, That the 
name of Rev. R. R. Gurley never be forgotten. 

K 7 



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8. "On motion of S. Benedict, Esq., — Resolved, That we 
entertain lively feelings of gratitude towards H. R. Sheldon, Esq. 
for his munificent donation towards the erection of a high school 
in this colony. 

9. " On motion of Mr. Uriah Tyner,— Resolved, That the 
thanks of this meeting are due to the members of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, for their unwearied zeal to promote the interest 
of this community. 

10. "On motion of Mr. Lewis Ciples, — Resolved, That this 
meeting entertain the highest respect for the memory of the 
late Thomas S. Grimkey, of South Carolina, for his persevering 
efforts in behalf of the Colonization Society. 

11. "On motion of Rev. Amos Herring, — Resolved, That this 
meeting entertain the deepest gratitude for the members of the 
Colonization Society, for the organization and continuation of 
an enterprise, so noble and praiseworthy as that of restoring to 
the blessings of liberty, hundreds and thousands of the sore op- 
pressed and long neglected sons of Africa ; that we believe it 
the only institution that can, under existing circumstances, suc- 
ceed in elevating the coloured population ; and that advance- 
ment in agriculture, mechanism, and science, will enable us 
speedily to aspire to a rank with other nations of the earth. 

12. "On motion of Mr. H.B.Matthews, — Success to the 
wheels of colonization ; may they roll over every opposer, and 
roll on, until all the oppressed sons of Africa shall be rolled 
Jiome ! 

13. " On motion of Mr. David Moore, — Resolved, That we 
recollect, with peculiar satisfaction, the active part which the 
benevolent, in the state of Mississippi, have taken in the welfare 
of this colony. 

14. " On motion of Major L. R. Johnson, — Resolved, That 
this meeting cherish the most grateful remembrance of the 
name of the late Rev. R. Finley, of New Jersey, the founder 
and indefatigable patron of this colony. 

15. "On motion of J. J. Roberts, Esq., — Resolved, That the 
thanks of this meeting be presented to the friends of this colony 
in England. 

" On motion of Mr. Dixon B. Brown, — Resolved, That the 
resolutions of this meeting be pubUshed in the Liberia Herald." 



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The second statement which I have made respecting 
what the Colonization Society has done towards check- 
ing the slave-trade, cannot better be substantiated than 
by the following paragraph taken from the Colonization 
Herald of Sept. 5th, 1835. 

" The success of the Colonization Society, may indeed be said 
to be little short of miraculous — for in the brief space of thir- 
teen years, with funds whose aggregate amount scarcely equals 
the individual outlay of Sir Walter Raleigh in Virginia, they 
have banished the slaver from nearly 200 miles of coast, and 
rescued hundreds of his hapless victims — they have settled 
nearly 4000 emigrants (one half of them emancipated for the 
purpose,) — they have established schools, churches, temperance 
societies, and a newspaper: — agriculture, the mechanic arts, and 
a legitimate commerce, employing nearly twenty sail of coasting 
vessels, have sprung up, while the activity of their foreign com- 
merce is attested by our own marine lists. 

" That the despised Colonizationists have effected all this, is 
beyond the reach of cavil — it is now a part of the history of our 
enterprising country. And while our opponents have been 
gravely debating the possibility of establishing one colony, a lit- 
tle constellation has risen — star by star — and shed its light along 
the dreary coast, giving promise of new ' United States' in due 
season. May not these benevolent founders of Liberia be well 
satisfied with their experiment ? Need I blush to acknowledge 
that these results have dispelled all my doubts ? And may not 
the statesman safely assume that if a feeble society, assailed 
from its very formation with ridicule and reproach, has been able 
to found and sustain a young state, the patriotism, the philan- 
thropy, and the piety of this great nation can accomplish the 
noble work of justice to them, and mercy to both ? Nor is it 
among the least cheering of the results achieved by this noise- 
less and unpretending system o{ practical hcnevolence to the 
black man, that it has won its way to the love, and confidence, 
and gratitude of benevolent proprietors — so that the society has, 
from its very commencement, been distressed by offers of eman- 
cipation — distressed, because its funds have not enabled it to re- 



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lieve a tithe of the cases presented. There are at this moment, 
between one and two thousand applicants for the privilege of 
Colonization, and thousands more are in a state of training for 
the same purpose. Each year's developement of the ample 
resources of the colonies for securing the welfare of the colonists, 
and of their importance to the commerce and manufactures of 
this country, will increase the tide of emigration, until, with due 
aid from the national treasury, the stream shall exceed the an- 
nual increase, and then a rapid decrease in the existing total of 
coloured population will ensue. This I know will be denied — 
but I appeal to facts as the best data for my conclusions. Let 
us then remember that by official returns, the emigration from 
the United Kingdom was 76,000 last year. And have not our 
poor blacks quite as many reasons for seeking an asylum in that 
growing realm — so emphatically their own — from the increasing 
severity of Southern laws, and the horrors of Northern mobs ? 
Will not this be the more extensively felt, as these African 
States open up new channels to profitable industry, until the 
emigration shall reach 56,000 per annum — which was the aver- 
age yearly increase of the whole coloured population during the 
ten years from 1820 to 1830? And when we recollect that 
they would, under our system, be wafted thither free of expense 
to themselves, there is every reason to believe their numbers 
would soon equal the British emigration, which is in most cases 
at the proper cost of the parties themselves. If only that point 
was reached, an access of 20,000 per annum would accrue be- 
yond the present natural increase, and thus create an actual 
diminution in our coloured population — augmented too, by the 
circumstance that the emigrants would generally be of the 
young, the active, and the procreating class — while the relative 
disproportion of the races would be rapidly felt through the 
great increase of the whites. 

" I am well aware that it has been most gratuitously and ab- 
surdly asserted, * that our whole marine is insufficient to convey 
to Africa this annual increase !" And yet 42,000 tons of ship- 
ping, only making two trips each year, and allowing each emi- 
grant six times the space allowed on board the slavers — or one 
ton and a half each — would accommodate the whole ! What 
then shall we say to those who assert that the annual wealth of 



( 77 ) 

this great nation, with a surplus of ten millions annually, is un- 
able to carry to Africa, one-third as many of the oflspring of 
oppression, as a band of pirates and outlaws each year drag 
away in chains from her shores ? A late writer in Blackwood's 
Magazine, asserts that no less than 200,000 slaves were shipped 
in 1831 — Walsh that 50,000 were landed at Rio Janeiro alone, 
in 1828. We may, then, without difficulty, colonize 100,000 
annually — a number that would in thirty years transfer our 
whole coloured population to Africa, by an outlay of three mil- 
lions of dollars yearly, — a sum which the weekly contribution 
of three cents by one-seventh of our people, would supply ; or, 
if voted as a measure of justice for the many wrongs received 
at our hands by poor Africa and her children, would afford a 
safe mode of depleting our overburdened treasury." 

To the above may be added the testimony of Mr. 
J. F. C. Finlay, who, writing from Millsburg, in the 
colony of Liberia, to the Rev. Dr. Wilson, of Cincin- 
nati, under date of 6th December, 1834, says, — 

" The colony of Liberia has done at least five times as much 
tow-ards abolishing the slave-trade on this coast, as the ivhole of 
the United States" 

As to the objections which have been raised aganist 
the climate of Liberia, and the ill-health which the 
settlers first suffered, I am only astonished how any 
one in America could allow such futile arguments to 
influence them ! It is an undeniable fact that the tirst 
inhabitants of all new countries suffer much from ill- 
health, and that just in proportion to the fertility of the 
soil; which is evidently attributable to the impregna- 
tion of the air and water with the gases arising from 
the quantity of decomposing vegetable matter with 
w hich the ground is covered, and which* renders the 
land, after due cultivation, most productive. Do Ame- 
ricans forget the fact in respect to the now flourishing 



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State of Louisiana ? The colony of Iberville was 
begun to be settled in 1699, and in the ensuing thir- 
teen years, 2500 colonists were landed there, out of 
w^hom only 400 whites and 20 negroes remained at the 
end of that time. On the Island of Orleans, where a 
settlement was begun in 1717, the early settlers died 
by hundreds ; and both settlements were given up once 
or twice, by those who began them, and commenced 
anew by other hands. 

It was so with Jamestown : it was so with Plymouth, 
although in a northern climate. They were both deso- 
lated by sickness, and the mortality was far greater 
than it has ever been in Liberia. Five hundred emi- 
grants at one time landed in Jamestown, in Virginia, 
and in less than five months their numbers were re- 
duced to sixty. Disaster and defeat seemed to embit- 
ter all the struggles of the Pilgrim fathers at Plymouth. 
More than half their number died the first winter. 

The following testimonies of several highly respect- 
able gentlemen, Physicians and others, as published in 
the " Plea for Africa," (p. 233,) are so satisfactory 
that to say one word more in refutation of the Aboli- 
tion misstatements, would be an insult to an enlight- 
ened community. 

1st. " Dr. Shane, of Cincinnati, went with a company of emi- 
grants to Liberia in 1832, sailing from New-Orleans; and, 
among other things, writes, ' I see not in Liberia as fine and 
splendid mansions as in the United States ; nor as extensive and 
richly stocked farms as the well-tilled lands of Ohio ; but I see 
a fine and very fertile country, inviting its poor and oppressed 
sons to thrust in their sickles and gather up its fullness. I here 
see many who left the United States in straitened circum- 
stances, living with all the comforts of life around them ; enjoy- 
ing a respectable and useful station in society, and wondering 
that their brethren in the United States, who have it in their 



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power, do not flee to this asylum of happiness and Uberty, where 
they can enjoy all the unalienable rights of man. * * I do 
not think an unprejudiced person can visit here without becom- 
ing an ardent and sincere friend of colonization. I can attribute 
the apathy and indifference on which it is looked by many, as 
arising from ignorance on the subject alone, and would that 
every free coloured man in the United States could get a glimpse 
of his brethren, their situation and prospects. * * * Let 
but the coloured man come and see for himself, and the tear of 
gratitude will beam in his eye, as he looks forward to the not 
far distant day, when Liberia shall take her stand among the 
nations of the world, and proclaim abroad an empire founded 
by benevolence, offering a home to the poor, oppressed, and 
weary. Nothing but a want of knowledge of Liberia, prevents 
thousands of honest, industrious free blacks from rushing to this 
heaven-blessed land, where hberty and religion, with all their 
blessings, are enjoyed.' 

2d. " Captain Kennedy, who visited Liberia in 1831, says, 
' with impressions unfavourable to the scheme of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, I commenced my inquiries.' The colonists ' con- 
sidered that they had started into a new existence. * * They 
felt themselves proud in their attitude.^ He further says, ' many 
of the settlers appear to be rapidly acquiring property ; and I 
have no doubt they are doing better for themselves and for their 
children, in Liberia, than they could do in any other part of the 
world.' 

3d. " Captain Nicholson of the United States' Navy, gave as 
favourable a report. Captain Abels says, ' My expectations 
were more than realized. I saw no intemperance, nor did I 
hear a profane word uttered by any one. I know of no place 
where the Sabbath seems to be more respected than in JMon- 
rovia.' 

4th. " A distinguished British naval officer, who passed three 
years on the African coast, published a favourable notice of the 
colony, in the Amulet for 1832, in which he bears this testi- 
mony : — ' The complete success of this colony is a proof that 
the Negroes are, by proper care and attention, as susceptible of 
the habits of industry, and the improvements of social life, as 
any other race of human beings ; and that the amelioration of 



( 80) 

the condition of the black people on the coast of Africa, by- 
means of such colonies, is not chimerical. Wherever the ivflu- 
ence of the colony extends, the slave-trade has been abandoned 
by the natives, and the -peaceable pursuits of legitimate commerce 
established in its place. They not only live on terms of har- 
mony and good will together, but the colonists are looked upon 
with a certain degree of respect by those of their own colour ; 
and the force of their example is likely to have a strong effect 
in inducing the people about them to adopt it. A few colonies 
of this kind, scattered along the coast, would be of infinite value 
in improving the natives,' Governor Mechlin has said, ' As to 
the morals of the colonists, I consider them much better than 
those of the people of the United States ; i. e. you may take an 
equal number of the inhabitants from any section of the Union, 
and you will find more drunkenness, more profane swearers and 
Sabbath-breakers, than in Liberia. You rarely hear an oath, 
and as to riots and breaches of the peace, I recollect but one 
instance, and that of a trifling nature, that has come under my 
notice since I assumed the government of the colony.' Captain 
Sherman has said, ' There is a greater proportion of moral and 
religious characters in Monrovia than in the city of Philadel- 
phia.' " 

Lastly, Dr. George T. Todsen, Colonial Physician, 
writes thus, — 

" Being requested to express my opinion of the climate of 
Liberia, and particularly as to its influence and action upon such 
persons of colour as are born, and have lived for years in the 
United States, previous to their arrival in the colony; I have no 
hesitation in saying that, after a residence in the colony of nearly 
five years, as Colonial Physician, I am convinced there is no- 
thing there that, with ordinary prudence, the necessaries and 
comforts of life, and care and medical attendance, can endanger 
the lives of emigrants of colour, in a greater degree, than would 
be done by their removal to almost any other foreign country, 
even the most healthy. I shall here state a few facts which the 
records of the colony will amply confirm. In 1830, in Novem- 
ber, I embarked on board of the ' Volador,' with eighty-five 
emigrants, children included. We arrived at Cape Mesurado in 



( 81 ) 

January, 1831, and on the 1st of February, 1833, two years 
after our arrival, I went round, inspected the company, and 
found, to my great satisfaction, that but three children and two 
adults had died. During that interval, eleven children were 
born among that expedition ; so that the whole company had 
increased to the number of ninety-one, six more than left the 
United States. The same success attended 'the succeeding ex- 
peditions, until June, when I was seized with a violent attack of 
fever, from which although I partially recovered, it returned at 
short intervals, and reduced me to such a state of debility, that 
I became unable to pursue and discharge my arduous and ex- 
hausting duties. I dw-ell upon this circumstance, because it was 
one of those important events which produced less favourable 
results in the subsequent bills of mortality in Liberia, and cre- 
ated an apprehension in the minds of the friends to Colonization, 
that there is something in the climate of that country inevitably 
destructive to emigrants of colour from the United States. This 
impression has had a most injurious effect on the advancement 
and prosperity of the colony. But I feel most happy in my con- 
viction that it is without the least foundation. 

" I have read in ' a Narrative of an Expedition into the 
interior of Africa, by Macgregor Laird and R. A. K. Oldfield, 
surviving officers of the English expedition, to the Niger' — a 
pretended description of the motives for the establishment, &c. 
&LC., of the colony of Liberia, of its condition as ascertained by 
them during a three days' visit to its shore. 

" I will briefly state that I was at Caldwell, in the colony, 
when this expedition touched there. No sooner had the iron 
steamboat Quorra, dropt her anchor in the river St. Paul, than 
Lieut. Allen, R. N., Mr, Lander, and Dr. Briggs, paid me a visit, 
and invited me on board. Although very ill and unable to walk, 
I accepted their invitation. They were exceedingly kind and 
attentive to me ; were with me during the greater part of the 
time they remained in the colony, (three days,) and we con- 
versed freely as fellow-labourers in the African cause. They 
did not conceal the unhappy dissensions that existed among the 
members of their expedition. There were two parties ; Lieut. 
Allen, R. N., Mr. Lander, and Dr. Briggs, belonging to the one ; 
and Mr. Laird and Capt. Harris to the other. I had little or no 



(83) 

intercourse with the latter individuals, who were represented to 
me, particularly Laird, as having embarked in the expedition 
solely from mercenary motives. As regards his charges and 
statements about the real motives of the Colonization Society, 
they are too absurd to notice. His stuff about the sterility of 
the soil of Liberia, thousands can answer ; besides, I am pretty 
certain he never pnt his foot on terra firma while there. Every 
friend to science and humanity must lament the premature death 
of by far the most able and respectable members of that ex- 
pedition ; and no one can be surprised that a man, actuated 
solely by the love of gain, should seize on calumny and detrac- 
tion, on any subject originating or connected with America or 
Americans, and to be presented to English readers, as a never- 
failing means of success. • GEO. T. TODSEN." 

I shall conclude these testimonies with the following 
extract from the Colonization Herald of March 1838, 
which was written by a gentleman of most unques- 
tionable veracity, and who resided for some time in 
Liberia. 

' "It is now SIXTEEN YEARS sloce the first settlement in Liberia 
was established, on Cape Mesurado. In 1821 the American 
Colonization Society purchased a part of the Island of Sher- 
boro, distant about 120 miles from Cape Mesurado, and during 
that year and the following a vigorous, but ineffectual effort was 
made to plant a colony there. The treachery of the natives, 
the insalubrity of the climate, and a series of melancholy dis- 
asters finally compelled its abandonment, and the society di- 
rected its attention to the more eligible scite mentioned above ; 
where, in 1822, after a protracted negotiation, a purchase was 
made, and a feeble band of emigrants took possession. 

" As my object at present is not to trace the progress of the 
colony through its various fortunes, I shall reserve for another 
article an account of the early trials and difficulties, as well as 
the manly daring and heroic achievements with which its his- 
tory is fraught, and come at once to the bright picture of its 
present condition and prospects. Liberia (stretching along 300 



(S3) 

miles of the coast, and extending from 10 to 40 miles inland) 
now numbers four separate colonies, viz : 

"Mo\RoviA, established by the American Colonization Society, 
including the towns of Monrovia, New Georgia, Caldwell, Mills- 
burgh, and Marshall — 

" Bassa Cove, established by the United Colonization Societies 
of New York and Pennsylvania. This colony includes Bassa 
Cove and Edina. The latter village was founded by the Ame- 
rican Colonization Society, and lately ceded to the United So- 
cieties — 

" Greenville, established by the Mississippi and Louisiana 
Colonization Societies, at Sixou — 

"Maryland, established by the Maryland Colonization Society 
at Cape Palmos. 

"In the MXE villages enumerated above, there is a population 
of about 5000 — all of course coloured persons — of which three 
THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED are emigrants from this country, and 
the remainder natives of Africa, mostly youth, who have come 
into the colonics to learn 'Merica fash,' and make themselves 
* white men,' by conforming to the habits of civilization, and be- 
coming subject to our laws 

" The commerce of the colonies, though in its infancy, is already 
extensive. From $80,000 to 125,000 is exported annually, in 
camwood, ivory, palm oil, and hides ; and an equal or greater 
amount of the manufactures and productions of Europe and 
America are brought into the colonies in return. Monrovia, 
which is the largest town and principal seaport, carries on a con- 
siderable coasting trade, by means of small vessels built and 
owned by her own citizens. Not less than IC or 15 of these, 
averaging from 10 to 30 tons burden, manned and navigated by 
the colonists, are constantly engaged in a protitable trade along 
seven hundred miles of the coast. 

"The harbour of Monrovia is seldom clear of foreign vessels; 
more than seventy of which, from the United States, England, 
France, Sweden, Portugal and Denmark, touch there annually. 

"Bassa Cove and Cape Palmas have both good harbours, and 
possess great advantages for commerce. Already their waters 
are gladdened by the frequent presence of traders from other 
countries, and in a few years, when the hand of enterprise shall 



(84) 

have developed the rich mines of wealth which nature has so 
abundantly provided there, these growing towns will become the 
centres of an extensive and important business. 

"SiNou, too, possesses an excellent harbour, and is the natural 
outlet of a vast tract of rich and productive country. Under the 
fostering hand of its enterprising founders, it must soon become 
an important link in the great maritime chain of Americo- African 
establishments. The productions of the country, which may be 
raised in any quantity for exportation, are coffee, cotton, sugar, 
rice, indigo, palm oil, together with the gums, dye-woods, ivory, 
SfC, which are collected from the forests, 

" The state of morals in the colonies is emphatically of a high 
order. Sabbath-breaking, drunkenness, profanity, and quarrelling 
are vices almost unknown in Liberia. A temperance society 
formed in 1834 numbered in a few weeks after its organization 
500 members; at that time more than one-fifth of the whole 
population. 

"At Bassa Cove and Cape Palmas, the sale and use of ardent 
spirits are forbidden by law. In the other colonies the ban of 
public opinion so effectually prohibits dram drinking that no re- 
spectable person would dare indulge an appetite so disreputable. 
"There are eighteen churches in Liberia, viz. at Monrovia 4, 
New Georgia 2, Caldwell 2, Millsburgh 2, Edina 2, Bassa Cove 3, 
Marshall 1, Cape Palmas 2. Of these, 8 are Baptist, 3 Presby- 
terian, and 1 Episcopalian. 

" As there are forty clergymen in the colonies, all the churches 
are not only regularly supphed with preaching, but religious 
meetings are weekly held in many of the native villages. 

"Seven hundred of the colonists, or onc-lifth of the whole pop- 
ulation, are professed Christians, in good standing 'with the several 
churches with which they are connected. As might be expected, 
where so large a proportion of the people is pious, the general 
(one of society is religious. No where is the Sabbath more 
strictly observed, or the places of worship better attended. Sun- 
day schools and Bible classes arc established generally in the 
churches, into which, in many cases, the native children are 
gathered with those of the colonists. 

"There are ten week-day schools in all the settlements, sup- 
ported generally by education and missionary societies in this 



( 85) 

country. The teachers in most cases are coIou'Aid persons. A 
laudable thirst for knowledge pervades the community, and a 
great desire is expressed for an academic institution, toward the 
support of which they would contribute liberally; though as yet 
they are scarcely able to establish one single handed. 

"In some places, as at BassaCove, literary societies are formed 
for mutual improvement; much on the plan of village lyceums in 
this country. 

" At Bassa Cove and Monrovia there are public libraries for 
the use of the people. The one at the former place numbers 
1200 or 1500 volumes. 

" A monthly newspaper is published at Monrovia. The 
articles in this paper allbrd good testimony of the general intel- 
ligence of the people, and reflect great credit upon the talented 
editor, a coloured man. 

" There are at present 25 or 30 white persons connected with 
the various missionary and education societies, or attached to 
the colonies as physicians, &c. The government of Liberia is 
essentially republican. All the officers, except the Governor, 
(who is appointed by the Colonization Society) being chosen by 
the people. Elections are held annually in every village, and 
are conducted with great propriety and decorum. A vice- 
governor, legislative councillors, a high sheriff, constables, &c., 
are some of the officers elected annually. The militia is well 
organized and efficient. The officers and men exhibit a degree 
of enthusiasm in the performance of their duty seldom witnessed 
elsewhere ; and on Held days their neat and orderly aj)pearancc, 
their thorough discipline, and the promptness and precision of 
their evolutions, command the admiration of every observer. 

" There are a number of volunteer corps, regularly uniform- 
ed and equipped. These of course are the elite of the Liberia 
militia ; and indeed many of them would lose nothing by a com- 
parison with our own city guards. T. B.'' 

CONCLUSION OF THIS CHAPTER. 

We have before shown that although the only 
object of the Colonization Society is to restore the 
free man of colour to the land of his fathers, yet tliat 



(86) 

the accomplishment of this very object necessarily 
involves the removal of the actual cause of slavery 
itself, and of all its horrors, viz. the African slave-trade. 
In this respect alone, if it did no more, it as far ex- 
ceeds in utiHty, the Abolition Scheme, as the light of 
the sun exceeds that of a taper. Moreover this one 
fact, and this alone, ought to secure for it the patron- 
age of every friend of humanity ; and would no doubt 
long since have done so, and have procured for 
it ample funds from the good people of this country 
and of England, had its objects not been misrepre- 
sented, particularly in the latter place, where there is 
no one sufficiently acquainted with the merits of the 
case to refute and put to silence those who were, and 
are employed, by the Anti-Slavery Society, for the ex- 
press purpose of vilifying and calumniating, before a 
British public, some of the greatest benefactors this 
country ever had. It is well known how that indefa- 
tif^able and disinterested friend of the' coloured man, 
Elliott Cresson, Esq., after he Avcnt to England, at his 
own expense, for the express purpose of promoting 
this cause in that country, was vilified, calumniated, 
and misrepresented by American Abolition Agents ! 

Let any man take a map of Africa in his hand, and 
ask himself the question, what Powers on earth could 
effectually stop a trade carried on along a coast of at 
least seven thousand miles, including the various bays 
and inlets, &c. 1 Could the combined naval forces of 
Europe and America accomplish it, not even taking 
into consideration the enormous annual expense of 
such an enterprise ? The very idea is preposterously 
absurd ! We all recollect the difficulty encountered 
last winter in attempting to guard the Canadian fron- 
tier of only a few hundred miles ! 



(87) 

Are fifty millions of Africans to be left exposed to 
the demoralising influence, and the unspeakable hor- 
rors of the slave-trade ? And are we to talk of huma- 
nity and allow one hundred thousand miserable iiuman 
beings to be annually dragged from their native land 
— from their homes — from their parents — from their 
friends — and be subjected to the horrors described in 
pages 41,42? What means, what power, what system, 
except the Colonization Society, can check this climax 
of human barbarity ? And by what means are the 
glorious truths of divine revelation to be disseminated 
amongst upwards of fifty millions of our fellow crea- 
tures except by the pure word of God, the Bible, which 
black man hands to black man, African hands to Afri- 
can — and so on, till this man of sin be consumed by 
the brightness of the Gospel, and the Ethiopian be 
enabled to lift up his hand to the living God ? 

The Colonization Society has, as already shown, 
done much in this work — and all that it has not done 
is justly attributable to the effects of the misrepre- 
sentations of the Abolition Champions, who are, in 
this sense, not only the slave-holders of thousands of 
slaves, but the Protectors of the African Slave-trade ! 



(88) 



CHAPTER VII. 



COLONIZATION AND ABOLITIONISM 

CONTRASTED ! 



THE COLONIZATION OPERATIONS, 
1. 

Are directed to the removal of 
the cause of slavery, viz : the Af- 
rican slave-trade. See cliap. vi. 
2 

Hence are strictly philosophic, 
correct, and consistent with com- 
mon sense. See p. 39. 
8. 

Are consistent with the injunc- 
tions and commands of God. See 
chapter vi. 

4. 
Have already removed much 
of the cause and effects of slavery. 
See chapter vi. 



5. 
Are sanctioned and patronised 
by most of. the enlightened, the 
best, and most religious men in 
the country. See chapter v. 

6. 

Have caused the emancipation 
of vast numbers, and that consist- 
ently -svith the laws of God. See 
chapters v. and vi. 



ABOLITION OPERATIONS, 
1. 

Are directed to the removal of 
effects ! See p. 40. 



Hence are unphilosophical, ab- 
surd, fallacious, and inefficacious ! 
See p. 39. 

3. 

Are in direct violation of the 
laws of God ! See p. 33. 



Have not affected in the slight- 
est possible degree the cause of 
slavery, except by protecting the 
African slave-trade ! See pre- 
ceding page. 

5. 

Are patronised and sanctioned 
by none, except by the innocent 
and unsuspecting dupes of brawl- 
ing orators, and interested agents ! 
See p. 20. 

6. 

Have caused the freedom of not 
one, except in a way directly op- 
posed to the will of Heaven ! See 
p. 33. 



(89) 



Have ameliorated the condition 
of thousands of people of colour. 
See preceding chapter. 



7. 
Have increased the sufterings 
of thousands of slaves ! See pre- 
ceding chapter.* 



Keepeth not one in bondage. 
See preceding chapter. 

9. 

Exhort all slaves to obey the 
commands of God, and encourage 
none who violate them. 

10. 

Allay the prejudices of the slave- 
holder. 

11. 

Produce patience, and content- 
edness among the slaves. 

12. 

Act in every possible way, con- 
sistent with the laws of God and 
man, and with the safety of both 
slave and slave-holder, in removing 
the evils of slavery. 



Keepeth thousands in bondage ! 
See chapter vi. 

9. 
Exhort all slaves to run ofT 
from their masters, and thus to 
disobey the commands of God ! 
See p. 33. 

10. 
Aggravate his prejudices and 
drive him, in self-defence, to the 
adoption of greater restraints ! 

11. 

Produce discontent and disobe- 
dience among them ! See p. 33. 

12. 

Act in every possible way m 
violation of the laws of God and 
man, and inconsistent with the 
safety of either slave or slave- 
holder ! 



* Letter from W. Rawle, Esq. {formerly President of the Anti-Slavery 
Society) to , Esq. 

" My dear Sir — 

"The conduct and proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Society 
have not met with my entire approbation. The members appear to me to 
be actuated by a blind and injudicious zeal, productive of measures, the 
effect of which will be to awaken alarm, create a determined opposition 
among the slave-holders, and delay the progress of conscientious emanci- 
pation. 

"That day — the day of general emancipation — will, I trust and believe, 
hereafter arrive : but I fear it will be delayed by the institution of societies 
so warm and so imprudent. 

» June 27, 1834." 

M 8* 



(90) 

The opinion of Henry Clay, Esq. — March, 1837. 

" I regret extremely the agitation of the question of immediate abolition. 
Without impugning the motives of those who are concerned in it — indeed 
with great respect for some of them, I must say in all sincerity, that I do 
believe it is attended with unmixed mischief. It does no good, but harm to 
the slave ; it engenders bad feelings and prejudices between different parts 
of the Union, and it injures the very cause which it professes to espouse. 
Instead of advancing, I believe that it has thrown back to an indefinite time 
the cause of gradual emancipation — the only mode of getting rid of slavery 
that has been ever thought to be safe, prudent or wise in any of the States 
in which slavery now exists. 

" Hoping that you will excuse the delay which has occurred in my trans- 
mission of an answer to your letter, I am gentlemen. 

With great respect, your ob't servant, 

Henry Clay." 



(91) 



APPENDIX. 



A. 

The unexpected length to which this pamphlet has 
extended prevents the Author introducing here, as he 
had contemplated in page 11, an article on the differ- 
ence of opinion among mankind in all parts and ages 
of the world, without divine revelation, on that which 
is really good and really evil. See article " Morality," 
in " The Christiaii's Defensive Dictionary,'''' by the Au- 
thor. 

B. 

Extract of an Address of William Lloyd Garrison, 
Esq., from "The London Patriot," of August, 1833; 
and republished in " The Colonization Herald" of 
this City, May 16th, 1838. 

" I know that there is much declamation about the sacredncss 
of the compact which was formed between the free and \hc 
slave states, on the adojition of tfie national constitution. A 
sacred compact, forsooth ! I pronounce it the most bloody and 
heaven-daring arrangement ever made by man, for the conti- 
nuance and protection of a system of the most atrocious villaiiy 
ever exhibited on earth. Yes — I recognize the compact, but 
with feelings of shame and indignation ; and it will be held in 
everlasting infamy by the friends of justice and humanity 
throughout the world. It was a contract fram.cd at the sacri- 
fice of the bodies and souls of millions of our race, for the sake 
of achieving a political epoch — an 'unblushing and monstrous 
coalition to do evil that good might come. Such a compact 
was, in the nature of things, and according to the law of God, 



( 92 ) 

r.uU and void from the beginning. No body of men ever had 
the right to guarantee the holding of human beings in bondage. 
Who or what were the framers of the American government, 
that they should dare to confirm and authorise such a high 
handed villany — such a flagrant robbery of the inaUenable 
rights of man — such a glaring violation of all the precepts and 
injunctions of the Gospel — such a savage war upon the sixth 
part of their own population ? They were men like ourselves 
— as fallible, as sinful, as weak as ourselves. By the infamous 
bargain which they made between themselves, they virtually 
dethroned the Most High God, and trampled beneath their feet 
their own solemn and heaven-attested declaration, that all men 
are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain 
unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit^ 
of happiness. They had no lawful power to bind themselves, 
or their posterity, for one hour — for one moment — by such an 
unholy alliance. It was not valid then — it is not valid now. 
Still they persist in maintaining it — and still do their successors, 
the people of New England, and of the twelve free states, per- 
sist in maintaining it. A sacred compact ! a sacred compact ! 
What is wicked and ignominious 1 

(Signed) WM. LLOYD GARRISON, 

Agent for the New-England Anti-Slavery Society. 



\' 



CONCLUSION. 

As it IS not improbable tliat the partisans of Mr. 
William Lloyd Garrison, following the example he set 
them last week in Pennsylvania Hall, (page 19), will 
ask what right has this ^'■foreign adventurer'''' to inter- 
fere in this question ? The simple reply of the Author 
is, that as he will yield precedency to no man on earth, 
in subjection and faithfulness to the laws of that coun- 
try in which it pleases the providence of God to place 
him, so he considers it his duty to serve it to the utmost 
of his power, in obedience to the command of " Him 
0\ who is higher than the highest." Rom. xiii. 1. 

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